THE   CONGRESS  ADDRESSES 

of 

THEODOR  HERZL 


TRANSLATED  FROM  THE  GERMAN 
kl 

NELLIE  STRAUS 


Price  15  Cents 

NEW  YORK 

EDERATION  OF  AMERICAN  ZIONISTS 
1917 


FIRST  CONGRESS   ADDRESS 

Delivered  at  Basle,  August  29th,  1897 

FELLOW  DELEGATES:  As  one  of  those  who  called  this  Congress 
into  being  I  have  been  granted  the  privilege  of  welcoming  you.  This  I 
shall  do  briefly,  for  if  we  wish  to  serve  the  cause  we  should  economize 
the  valuable  moments  of  the  Congress.  There  is  much  to  be  accom- 
plished within  the  space  of  three  days.  We  want  to  lay  the  cornerstone 
of  the  edifice  which  is  one  day  to  house  the  Jewish  nation.  The  task 
is  so  great  that  we  may  treat  of  it  in  none  but  the  simplest  terms.  So 
far  as  we  can  now  foresee,  a  summary  of  the  present  status  of  the 
Jewish  question  will  be  submitted  within  the  coming  three  days.  The 
tremendous  bulk  of  material  on  hand  is  being  classified  by  the  chairmen 
of  our  committees. 

We  shall  hear  reports  of  the  Jewish  situation  in  the  various  coun- 
tries. You  all  know,  even  if  only  in  a  vague  way,  that  with  few  excep- 
tions the  situation  is  not  cheering.  Were  it  otherwise  we  should 
probably  not  have  convened.  The  homogeneity  of  our  destiny  has  suf- 
fered a  long  interruption,  although  the  scattered  fragments  of  the  Jewish 
people  have  everywhere  undergone  similar  ills.  It  is  only  in  our  days 
that  the  marvels  of  communication  have  served  to  bring  about  mutual 
understanding  and  union  between  isolated  groups.  And  in  these  times, 
so  progressive  in  most  respects,  we  know  ourselves  to  be  surrounded 
by  the  old,  old  hatred.  Anti-Semitism — you  know  it,  alas,  too  well! — 
is  the  up-to-date  designation  of  the  movement.  The  first  impression 
which  it  made  upon  the  Jews  of  today  was  one  of  astonishment,  which 
gave  way  to  pain  and  resentment.  Perhaps  our  enemies  are  quite 
unaware  how  deeply  they  wounded  the  sensibilities  of  just  those  of  us 
who  were  possibly  not  the  primary  objects  of  their  attack.  That  very 
part  of  Jewry  which  is  modern  and  cultured,  which  has  outgrown  the 
Ghetto  and  lost  the  habit  of  petty  trading,  was  pierced  to  the  heart. 
We  can  assert  it  calmly,  without  laying  ourselves  open  to  the  sus- 
picion of  wanting  to  appeal  to  the  sentimental  pity  of  our  opponents. 
We  have  faced  the  situation  squarely. 

From  times  immemorial  the  world  has  been  misinformed  about  us. 
The  sentiment  of  solidarity  with  which  we  have  been  reproached  so 
frequently  and  so  acrimoniously  was  in  process  of  disintegration  at  the 
period  when  we  were  attacked  by  anti-Semitism.  And  anti-Semitism 
served  to  strengthen  it  anew.  We  returned  home,  as  it  were.  For  Zion- 
ism is  a  home-coming  to  the  Jewish  fold  even  before  it  becomes  a  home- 
coming to  the  Jewish  land.  We,  the  children  who  have  returned,  find 
much  to  redress  under  the  ancestral  roof,  for  some  of  our  brothers  have 

5 


6  CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL 

sunk  deep  into  misery.  We  are  made  welcome  in  the  ancient  house, 
for  it  is  universally  known  that  we  are  not  actuated  by  an  arrogant 
desire  to  undermine  that  which  should  be  revered.  This  will  be  clearly 
demonstrated  by  the  Zionist  platform. 

Zionism  has  already  brought  about  something  remarkable,  here- 
tofore regarded  as  impossible:  a  close  union  between  the  ultra-modern 
and  the  ultra-conservative  elements  of  Jewry.  The  fact  that  this  has 
come  to  pass  without  undignified  concessions  on  the  part  of  either  side, 
without  intellectual  sacrifices,  is  further  proof,  if  such  proof  be  neces- 
sary, of  the  national  entity  of  the  Jews.  A  union  of  this  kind  is 
possible  only  on  a  national  basis. 

Doubtless  there  will  be  discussions  on  the  subject  of  an  organization 
the  need  for  which  is  recognized  by  all.  Organization  is  an  evidence  of 
the  reasonableness  of  a  movement.  But  there  is  one  point  which  should 
be  clearly  and  energetically  emphasized  in  order  to  further  the  solution 
of  the  Jewish  question.  We  Zionists  desire  not  an  international  league 
but  international  discussion.1  Needless  to  say  this  distinction  is  of  the 
first  importance  in  our  eyes.  It  is  this  distinction  which  justifies  the 
convening  of  our  Congress.  There  will  be  no  question  of  intrigues, 
secret  interventions,  and  devious  methods  in  our  ranks,  but  only  of 
unhampered  utterances  under  the  constant  and  complete  supervision  of 
public  opinion.  One  of  the  first  results  of  our  movement,  even  now  to 
be  perceived  in  its  larger  outlines,  will  be  the  transformation  of  the 
Jewish  question  into  a  question  of  Zion. 

A  popular  movement  of  such  vast  dimensions  will  necessarily  be 
attacked  from  many  sides.  Therefore  the  Congress  will  concern  itself 
with  the  spiritual  means  to  be  employed  for  reviving  and  fostering 
the  national  consciousness  of  the  Jews.  Here,  too,  we  must  struggle 
against  misconceptions.  We  have  not  the  least  intention  of  yielding 
a  jot  of  the  culture  we  have  acquired.  On  the  contrary,  we  are  aiming 
toward  a  broader  culture,  such  as  an  increase  of  knowledge  brings 
with  it.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Jews  have  always  been  more  active 
mentally  than  physically. 

It  was  because  the  practical  forerunners  of  Zionism  realized  this 
that  they  inaugurated  agricultural  work  for  the  Jews.  We  shall  never 
be  able,  nor  shall  we  desire,  to  speak  of  these  attempts  at  colonization 
in  Palestine  and  in  Argentine  otherwise  than  with  genuine  gratitude.2 
But  they  spoke  the  first,  not  the  last,  word  of  the  Zionist  movement. 
For  the  Zionist  movement  must  be  greater  in  scope  if  it  is  to  be  at  all. 
A  people  can  be  helped  only  by  its  own  efforts,  and  if  it  cannot  help 
itself  it  is  beyond  succor.  But  we  Zionists  want  to  rouse  the  people 
to  self-help.  No  premature,  unwholesome  hopes  should  be  awakened 
in  this  direction.  This  is  another  reason  why  publicity  of  procedure, 
as  it  is  planned  by  our  Congress,  is  so  valuable. 


CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL  7 

Those  who  give  the  matter  careful  consideration  must  surely 
admit  that  Zionism  cannot  gain  its  ends  otherwise  than  through  an 
unreserved  understanding  with  the  political  units  involved.  It  is 
generally  known  that  the  difficulties  of  obtaining  colonization  rights 
were  not  created  by  Zionism  in  its  present  form.  One  wonders  what 
motives  actuate  the  narrators  of  these  fables.  The  confidence  of  the 
government  with  which  we  want  to  negotiate  regarding  the  settlement 
of  Jewish  masses  on  a  large  scale  can  be  gained  by  frank  language 
and  upright  dealing.  The  advantages  which  an  entire  people  is  able 
to  offer  in  return  for  benefits  received  are  so  considerable  that  the 
negotiations  are  vested  with  sufficient  importance  a  priori.  It  would 
be  an  idle  beginning  to  engage  in  lengthy  discussions  today  regarding 
the  legal  form  which  the  agreement  will  finally  assume.  But  one 
thing  is  to  be  adhered  to  inviolably:  the  agreement  must  be  based 
on  rights,  and  not  on  toleration.  Truly  we  have  had  enough  'expe- 
rience of  toleration  and  of  "protection"  which  could  be  revoked  at 
any  time. 

Consequently  the  only  reasonable  course  of  action  which  our 
movement  can  pursue  is  to  work  for  publicly  legalized  guarantees. 
The  results  of  colonization  as  it  has  been  carried  on  hitherto  was  as 
satisfactory  as  its  scope  permitted.  It  confirmed  the  much-disputed 
fitness  of  the  Jews  for  agricultural  work.  It  established  this  proof  for 
all  time,  as  the  legal  phrase  has  it.  But  colonization  in  its  present 
form  is  not,  and  cannot  be  the  solution  of  the  Jewish  question.  And 
we  must  admit  unreservedly  that  it  has  failed  to  evoke  much  sym- 
pathy. Why?  Because  the  Jews  know  how  to  calculate;  in  fact,  it 
has  been  asserted  that  they  calculate  too  well.  Thus  if  we  assume 
that  there  are  nine  million  Jews  in  the  world,  and  that  it  would  be  pos- 
sible to  colonize  ten  thousand  Jews  in  Palestine  every  year,  the  Jewish 
question  would  require  nine  hundred  years  for  its  solution.3  This 
would  seem  to  be  impracticable. 

On  the  other  hand,  you  know  that  to  count  on  ten  thousand  settlers 
a  year  under  existing  circumstances  is  nothing  short  of  fantastic.  The 
Turkish  government  would  doubtless  unearth  the  old  immigration 
restrictions  immediately,  and  to  that  we  would  have  little  objection.* 
For  if  anyone  thinks  that  the  Jews  can  steal  into  the  land  of  their 
fathers,  he  is  deceiving  either  himself  or  others.  Nowhere  is  the 
coming  of  the  Jews  so  promptly  noted  as  in  the  historic  home  of  the 
race,  for  the  very  reason  that  it  is  the  historic  home.  And  it  would  not 
have  been  by  any  means  to  our  interest  to  go  there  prematurely.  The 
immigration  of  Jews  signifies  an  unhoped-for  accession  of  strength  for 
the  land  which  is  now  so  poor ;  in  fact,  for  the  whole  Ottoman  Empire. 
Besides  his  Majesty  the  Sultan  has  had  excellent  experiences  with 
his  Jewish  subjects,  and  he  has  been  an  indulgent  monarch  to  them 


8  CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL 

in  turn.  Thus  existing  conditions  point  to  a  successful  issue,  pro- 
vided the  whole  matter  is  cleverly  and  felicitiously  treated.  The  finan- 
cial help  which  the  Jews  can  give  to  Turkey  is  by  no  means  incon- 
siderable, and  would  serve  to  obviate  many  an  internal  ill  from  which 
the  country  is  now  suffering.  If  the  Near  East  question  is  partially 
solved  together  with  the  Jewish  question,  it  will  surely  be  of  advan- 
tage to  all  civilized  peoples.  The  advent  of  Jews  would  bring  about 
an  improvement  in  the  situation  of  the  Christians  in  the  Orient. 

But  it  is  not  solely  from  this  point  of  view  that  Zionism  may 
reckon  upon  the  sympathy  of  the  nations.  You  know  that  in  some 
lands  the  Jewish  problem  has  come  to  mean  calamity  for  the  govern- 
ment. If  it  sides  with  the  Jews,  it  is  confronted  by  the  ire  of  the 
masses ;  if  it  sides  against  the  Jews,  it  may  call  disagreeable  economic 
consequences  down  upon  its  head  because  of  the  peculiar  influence  of 
the  Jews  upon  the  business  affairs  of  the  world.  Examples  of  the 
latter  may  be  met  with  in  Russia.  But  if  the  government  maintains 
a  neutral  attitude,  the  Jews  find  themselves  unprotected  by  the  estab- 
lished regime  and  rush  into  the  arms  of  the  revolutionaries.  Zionism, 
or  self-help  for  the  Jews,  points  to  a  way  out  of  these  numerous  and 
extraordinary  difficulties.  Zionism  is  simply  a  peacemaker.  And  it 
suffers  the  usual  fate  of  peacemakers,  in  being  forced  to  fight  more 
than  anyone  else.  But  should  the  accusation  that  we  are  not  patriotic 
figure  among  the  more  or  less  sincere  arguments  directed  against  our 
movement,  this  equivocal  objection  carries  its  own  condemnation  with 
it.  Nowhere  can  there  be  a  question  of  an  exodus  of  all  the  Jews. 
Those  who  are  able  or  who  wish  to  be  assimilated  will  remain  behind 
and  be  absorbed.  When  once  a  satisfactory  agreement  is  concluded 
with  the  various  political  units  involved  and  a  systematic  Jewish 
migration  begins,  it  will  last  only  so  long  in  each  country  as  that 
country  desires  to  be  rid  of  its  Jews.  How  will  the  current  be 
stopped?  Simply  by  the  gradual  decrease  and  the  final  cessation  of 
anti-Semitism.  Thus  it  is  that  we  understand  and  anticipate  the 
solution  of  the  Jewish  problem. 

All  this  has  been  said  time  and  time  again  by  my  friends  and  by 
myself.  We  shall  spare  no  pains  to  repeat  it  again  and  again  until 
we  are  understood.  On  this  solemn  occasion,  when  Jews  have  come 
together  from  so  many  lands  at  the  age-long  summons  of  nationality, 
let  our  profession  of  faith  be  solemnly  repeated.  Should  we  not  be 
stirred  by  a  premonition  of  great  events  when  we  remember  that  at 
this  moment  the  hopes  of  thousands  upon  thousands  of  our  people 
depend  upon  our  assemblage?  In  the  coming  hour  the  news  of  our 
deliberations  and  decisions  will  fly  to  distant  lands,  over  the  seven 
seas.  Therefore  enlightenment  and  comfort  should  go  forth  from  this 
Congress.  Let  everyone  find  out  what  Zionism  really  is,  Zionism, 


CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL  9 

which  was  rumored  to  be  a  sort  of  thousand  years'  wonder — that  it 
is  a  moral,  lawful,  humanitarian  movement,  directed  toward  the  long- 
yearned-for  goal  of  our  people.  It  was  possible  and  permissible  to 
ignore  the  spoken  or  written  utterances  of  individuals  within  our 
ranks.  Not  so  with  the  actions  of  the  Congress.  Thus  the  Congress, 
which  is  henceforth  to  be  ruler  of  its  discussions,  must  govern  as  a 
wise  ruler. 

Finally,  the  Congress  will  provide  for  its  own  continuance,  so 
that  we  may  not  disperse  once  more  ineffectual  and  ephemeral. 
Through  this  Congress  we  are  creating  an  agency  for  the  Jewish 
people,  such  as  it  has  not  possessed  heretofore,  an  agency  of  which 
it  has  stood  in  urgent  need.  Our  cause  is  too  great  to  be  left  to  the 
ambition  or  the  discretion  of  individuals.  It  must  be  elevated  to  the 
realm  of  the  impersonal  if  it  is  to  succeed.  And  our  Congress  shall 
live  forever,  not  only  until  the  redemption  from  age-long  suffering  is 
effected,  but  afterwards  as  well.  Today  we  are  here  in  the  hospitable 
limits  of  this  free  city — where  shall  we  be  next  year? 

But  wherever  we  shall  be,  and  however  distant  the  accomplish- 
ment of  our  task,  let  our  Congress  be  earnest  and  high-minded,  a 
source  of  welfare  to  the  unhappy,  of  defiance  to  none,  of  honor  to  all 
Jewry.  Let  it  be  worthy  of  our  past,  the  renown  of  which,  though 
remote,  is  eternal ! 


SECOND   CONGRESS   ADDRESS 

Delivered  at  Basle,  August  2&th,  1898 

FELLOW  DELEGATES  :  Zionism  has  grown  a  year  older  since  we 
were  first  gathered  together.  To-day  we  have  convened  here  because 
we  could  have  found  no  better  place  and  because  a  tie  of  gratitude 
binds  us  to  this  city  in  which  our  once  homeless  movement  was  en- 
abled to  express  the  wishes  and  grievances  of  oppressed  men. 

The  new  Jewish  movement  came  before  the  world  as  a  strange 
apparition,  incomprehensible  to  many.  Some  considered  it  a  ghost  of 
former  times.  Was  not  the  Jewish  people  dead  and  forgotten?  But 
we  had  felt  dimly,  half  consciously  as  it  were,  that  this  was  not  true. 
Death  is  the  end  of  all  suffering — whence  came  it  that  we  suffered? 
In  us  the  words  of  the  thinker1  were  paraphrased :  "I  suffer,  therefore 
I  am !"  And  gradually,  as  wrong  succeeded  wrong,  this  realization 
assumed  more  definite  form,  until  the  national  consciousness  stood 
before  us  in  its  entirety,  not  as  yet  the  common  property  of  all,  but 
equipped  with  a  mighty  capacity  to  spread  abroad.  And  in  truth  it 
conquered,  vanquishing  heads  and  hearts,  winning  old  and  young, 
and  the  first  Congress  of  the  Zionists  was  a  manifestation  of  our 
reanimated  national  consciousness.  But  there  were  a  number  of 
objections,  and  weighty  ones,  against  convening  this  assemblage  of 
citizens  of  various  countries.  Would  not  our  enemies  proffer  the 
accusation  that  we  desired  to  form  an  international  league  against  our 
Christian  fellow-citizens?  Would  it  not  have  an  adverse  effect  upon 
our  position  in  one  country  or  another?  In  refutation  we  maintained 
emphatically  from  the  start,  and  proved  by  all  our  actions,  that  under 
no  circumstances  did  we  desire  an  international  league,  but  merely 
international  discussion.  And  let  it  be  repeated  here  once  more  for 
perpetual  remembrance :  We  have  nothing  to  do  with  intrigues, 
secret  interventions  and  devious  methods,  but  only  with  open  dis- 
cussion of  our  present  and  future  status,  conducted  under  the  con- 
stant supervision  of  public  opinion. 

Our  words  must  have  rung  true,  for  the  Congress  called  forth 
widespread  sympathy  even  from  those  who  were  formerly  indifferent 
or  antagonistic  to  the  Jews.  Every  genuine  nationality  which  does 
not  hide  behind  a  strange  mask  has  a  fundamental  right  to  respect 
and  toleration  on  the  part  of  other  nations,  provided  it  does  not 
menace  their  existence.  Even  though  our  times  are  clouded  by  anti- 
Semitism,  we  must  not  forget  that  they  were  preceded  by  more  mag- 
nanimous days,  when  all  the  civilized  nations  bestowed  equal  rights 
upon  us.  Their  intentions  were  good,  but  the  results  were  inadequate. 

10 


CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL  11 

Who  was  to  blame — we  or  the  others?  Perhaps  both,  or,  rather  con- 
ditions of  long  standing  which  were  not  to  be  eradicated  by  laws  and 
ordinances.  The  laws  were  kindlier  than  the  usages.  We  witnessed 
the  reaction,  the  tremendous  welling-up  of  regret  on  the  part  of  those 
nations  which  had  so  recently  shown  us  indulgence.  From  the  eman- 
cipation which  cannot  be  rescinded  and  the  anti-Semitism  the  exist- 
ence of  which  cannot  be  denied,  we  have  drawn  new  and  important 
conclusions.  It  could  not  have  been  the  historic  import  of  our  eman- 
cipation that  we  cease  to  be  Jews,  for  we  were  repulsed  whenever  we 
wanted  to  intermingle  with  the  others.  The  historic  import  of  our 
emancipation  was  rather  that  we  provide  a  home  for  our  liberated 
nationality.  This  we  could  not  have  done  before.  We  can  do  it  now 
if  we  desire  it  with  all  our  might. 

It  is  not  sufficient  that  we  feel  and  recognize  ourselves  to  be  a 
nation.  Once  the  national  consciousness  is  awakened  the  national  will 
must  also  be  aroused.  But  this  point  was  and  still  is  fraught  with 
many  difficulties.  In  the  course  of  our  prolonged  sufferings  we  have 
been  weaned  from  the  habit  of  consistent  volition,  and  we  did  not 
dare  to  give  tongue  to  aspirations  which  every  other  nation  not  only 
does  not  hide  but  vaunts  as  its  greatest  glory.  Now  that  we  have 
finally  taken  this  course  we  meet  the  passive  resistance  of  those  who 
are  opposed  to  every  change,  who  remain  in  the  most  uncomfortable 
situation  through  sheer  indolence ;  in  fact,  we  encounter  the  enmity 
of  certain,  so  to  speak,  official  circles  of  Jewry.  The  protests  of 
several  rabbis  were  among  the  most  striking  of  these  manifestations. 
That  these  gentlemen  pray  for  Zion  and  at  the  same  time  agitate 
against  it,  will  forever  remain  a  strange  phenomenon.  This  incon- 
sistency may  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  they  were  in  the  beginning 
uncertain  as  to  whether  their  congregations  sympathized  with  the  new 
call  of  Zion.  However,  an  idea  like  ours  cannot  be  left  to  the  mercy 
of  those  who  have  heretofore  been  presidents  of  Jewish  communities 
or  to  the  opportunistic  considerations  of  their  spiritual  advisers. 
Almost  everywhere  the  masses  are  with  us.  It  is  they  who  constitute 
as  well  as  support  the  communities.  Consequently  their  wishes  must 
be  carried  out.  Hitherto  we  have  refrained  from  emphasizing  this  in- 
consistency out  of  brotherly  consideration,  but  finally  it  has  become 
necessary  to  make  a  change.  That  there  should  be  agitations  in 
Jewish  communities  against  Zion  has  become  unbearable.  The  situa- 
tion is  absurd,  impossible.  We  must  end  it.  An  election  campaign 
must  be  begun  wherever  the  heads  of  the  communities  are  not  yet 
with  us.  Men  with  convictions  similar  to  ours,  worthy  and  capable 
of  filling  these  distinguished  positions,  must  be  nominated  and  elected 
in  the  name  of  the  national  idea.  The  prestige  of  the  Jewish  com- 
munity, the  means  at  its  disposal,  the  people  whom  it  supports,  must 


12  CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL 

not  be  used  to  oppose  the  will  of  our  people.  Therefore  I  think  I  voice 
the  sentiments  of  you  all,  fellow  delegates,  in  proposing  to  make  the 
conquest  of  the  Jewish  communities  one  of  our  immediate  aims. 

Moreover,  this  is  the  fair  and  lawful  way  to  make  manifest  the 
Zionistic  proclivities  of  our  people,  not  only  in  the  annual  delibera- 
tions which  unite  us  here,  but  in  daily  actions  as  well,  wherever  Jews 
are  to  be  found.  We  must  not  content  ourselves  with  knowing  to 
what  extent  the  Zionist  idea  has  laid  hold  of  Jewry.  The  facts  must 
be  demonstrated.  The  ballot  is  the  only  suitable,  wholly  unexcep- 
tionable means  to  this  end. 

Our  efforts  have  already  aroused  much  valuable  sympathy  out- 
side the  ranks  of  Jewry,  but  it  is  still  considered  doubtful  whether  we 
Zionists  are  not  an  isolated  little  band,  whose  assurances  and  inten- 
tions are  not  to  be  taken  seriously.  The  conquest  of  the  communities 
will  show  what  our  capabilities  are. 

There  are  those  who  find  fault  with  us  for  desiring  and  seeking 
out  the  sympathy  of  the  non-Jewish  world  for  our  efforts.  Yes,  those 
self-same  individuals,  who  tell  us  reproachfully  that  Zionism  erects 
new  barriers  between  people,  cavil  because  we  welcome  the  friendship 
of  Christian  Zionists.  But  it  is  not  through  paltry  considerations  of 
expediency  that  we  clasp  the  hands  so  amicably  held  out  to  us,  for 
they  show  above  all  that  there  is  a  conciliatory  force  inherent  in 
Zionism.  Thoughts  free  from  hatred  flourish  in  this  soil.  We  hold 
inviolably  to  our  Jewishness,  and  nevertheless  gain  nobly  disinter- 
ested friends.  Is  that  so  bad?  They  say  that  we  create  new  differ- 
ences, and  yet  we  bring  people  nearer  to  one  another  by  a  negligible 
effort,  without  the  use  of  artifices.  We  show  ourselves  as  we  are — 
we  simply  tell  the  truth ! 

And  there  is  no  doubt  that  we  need  such  friends.  We  want  to 
r  accomplish  the  task  which  confronts  us  by  our  own  efforts ;  but  in 
order  to  be  successful  we  must  be  surrounded  by  sympathy.  Why 
do  we  merit  this  sympathy?  Because  we  are  solving  a  problem  which 
weighs  upon  several  countries,  the  solution  of  which  is  impossible 
without  our  aid.  The  Jewish  question  afflicts  many  a  land.  The 
discussion  of  the  general  situation  prevailing  during  the  last  year  will 
show  you  that  proofs  of  the  necessity  for  Zionism  are  sadly 
numerous. 

Far  and  near,  now  in  the  South  and  now  in  the  North,  Jew- 
hatred  springs  up.  No  civilized  country  lies  so  far  to  the  West  that 
it  has  not  echoed  to  this  ancient  hue  and  cry;  no  semi-civilization  is 
so  backward  that  it  has  not  acquired  the  newest  forms  and  catch- 
words. Suddenly  a  mob  will  rush  through  the  streets  and  flames  will 
consume  the  property  of  the  Jews,  and  sometimes  its  owners  as  well. 

But  that  is  not  the  worst.     Neither  bloodshed  nor  devastation 

A 


CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL  13 

nor  insults  are  the  worst.  These  disturbances  do  grave  damage  to 
the  souls  of  our  people.  Ever  and  again  they  undermine  our  sense  of 
right  and  of  honor,  and  they  cause  their  victims  to  become  enemies 
of  a  social  system  which  permits  such  things.  Let  us  not  be  sur- 
prised if  these  proletarians  among  proletarians,  the  most  despairing  of 
human  kind,  are  to  be  found  in  all  the  extreme  revolutionary  factions. 
Let  us  not  be  surprised,  but  let  us  rather  endeavor  to  bring  about  an 
improvement. 

It  is  perhaps  to  be  expected  of  far-sighted  statesmen  that  they 
recognize  the  extent  of  the  danger  to  society  which  lies  in  the  un- 
solved Jewish  question.  That  the  Jews  constitute  a  disintegrating 
element  is  habitually  maintained.  One  faction  and  the  other  stagger 
blindly  from  injustice  to  injustice.  But  since  we  wish  to  form  the 
Jews  into  a  constructive  element,  we  ought  logically  to  have  the  sup- 
port of  all  those  who  do  not  desire  that  the  Jews  disintegrate  every- 
thing. We  are  ready  to  bring  about  the  constructive  period  of  Jewry. 
We  have  everything  in  abundance — people,  materials,  plans.  We  need 
nothing  more  than — a  site ! 

Of  course  the  site  which  is  suited  to  use  is  of  a  peculiar  nature. 
No  spot  on  earth  has  been  so  coveted  as  this,  and  many  nations  de- 
sired it  so  intensely  that  the  ardor  of  their  longing  dried  it  up.  We, 
however,  believe  that  this  desolate  corner  of  the  Orient  has,  like  us, 
not  only  a  past  but  also  a  future.  On  that  soil,  where  so  little  grows 
at  present,  there  grew  ideas  for  all  mankind.  And  for  that  very  rea- 
son nobody  can  deny  that  there  is  a  deathless  relation  between  our 
people  and  that  land.  If  there  is  such  a  thing  as  a  legitimate  claim 
to  a  portion  of  the  earth's  surface,  all  peoples  who  believe  in  the  Bible 
must  recognize  the  rights  of  the  Jews.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  they  may 
do  so  without  envy  or  anxiety,  for  the  Jews  are  not,  and  will  never- 
more become,  a  political  power. 

What  would  happen  in  the  event  of  its  seizure  by  one  of  the  ex- 
isting powers?  That  is  another  question.  Palestine  is  not  only  the 
home  of  the  loftiest  of  ideas  and  the  unhappiest  of  peoples ;  but  it  is 
also  of  great  importance  to  all  Europe  because  of  its  geographical 
situation.  The  time  cannot  be  distant  when  it  will  be  traversed  by  a 
cultural  and  commercial  highway  to  Asia.  Asia  is  the  diplomatic 
problem  of  the  coming  decade.  Let  us  recall  in  all  modesty  that  we 
Zionists,  whom  people  readily  declare  to  be  lacking  in  practical 
penetration,  foresaw  and  proclaimed  this  development  of  the  Euro- 
pean contest  several  years  ago.  Already  the  trend  of  things  is  ap- 
parent. You  know  how  closely  every  step  which  any  one  power 
takes  in  this  direction  is  watched  by  the  others.  Now  that  the  most 
modern  of  princes2  of  the  inhabited  globe  is  about  to  undertake  a 
journey  to  the  Holy  Land,  we  detect  anxiety  and,  in  some  cases, 


:       • 


14  CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL 

open  hostility  in  the  expressions  of  public  opinion  in  all  countries. 
The  land  in  question  cannot  and  will  not  ever  pass  into  the  possession 
of  any  one  power,  for  it  is  guarded  with  extreme  solicitude.  Not  only 
its  present  owner  but  all  the  powers  watch  over  it  carefully. 

Must  it  then  remain  in  its  present  condition  to  the  end  of  time? 
This  would  surely  be  regrettable  for  all  concerned,  for  the  very  reason 
that  a  developed  Palestine  is  indispensable  from  the  point  of  view  of 
both  culture  and  commerce.  In  the  recent  war  the  Ottoman  Empire 
has  again  demonstrated  its  indestructible  vitality.  The  Turks  have 
excellent  qualities.  They  are  brave,  magnanimous,  capable  of  sacri- 
fice; but  they  do  not  possess  those  qualities  which  are  requisite  for 
industrialism  and  the  cultivation  of  a  country.  This  is  a  fact.  There- 
fore they  would  be  both  strengthened  and  enriched  by  the  acquisition 
of  a  peaceable,  enterprising  national  element  endowed  with  the  very 
qualities  which  they  lack. 

Consequently,  the  task  before  us,  for  the  accomplishment  of 
which  we  are  continually  working,  is  to  create  conditions  favorable  to 
an  adjustment  of  this  nature.  We  may  state  that  the  Turkish  gov- 
ernment is  well  aware  of  the  thorough  uprightness  of  our  efforts. 
We  neither  want  to  smuggle  in  settlers  nor  to  engage  in  any  creative 
work  whatsoever  without  a  previous  agreement.  In  fact,  we  should 
have  no  interest  at  all  in  helping  to  strengthen  Turkey  economically 
if  we  were  to  receive  nothing  in  return.  The  whole  thing  is  to  be 
done  according  to  the  simplest  formula  in  the  world:  Do  ut  des  (I 
give  in  order  that  you  may  give). 

Now  the  question  is,  how  we  shall  proceed  further.  Already  at 
the  first  Congress  we  recognized  the  necessity  of  creating  a  financial 
medium  for  the  purposes  of  our  movement.  The  Jewish  Colonial 
Trust  is  to  fill  this  need.3  It  is  thoroughly  characteristic  of  our  Jewish 
opponents  that  they  insist  upon  considering  us  incapable  of  perform- 
ing a  task  of  this  sort.  But  we  have  in  our  ranks  not  only  artists  and 
philosophers,  scholars  and  journalists,  lawyers,  physicians  and  engi- 
neers, but  also  a  goodly  array  of  bankers  and  merchants  hailing  from 
all  countries.  This  was  the  first  time  a  doubt  had  been  expressed  as 
to  whether  Jews  could  found  a  bank,  and  here  again  the  doubters 
were  mistaken. 

The  Jewish  Colonial  Trust  will  soon  come  into  being,  in  accord- 
ance with  our  program.  To  judge  by  the  results  of  the  bank  con- 
ference, we  may  assume  that  the  Jewish  Colonial  Trust  will  enter 
upon  its  business  activities  in  the  course  of  this  very  year.  But  I  do 
not  want  to  anticipate  the  report  prepared  by  experts,  which  you  will 
hear  in  good  time. 

A  number  of  other  reports  are  to  be  presented  to  you.  You  will, 
I  hope,  gather  from  them  that  this  year  has  not  slipped  by  fruitlessly, 


L 


CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL  15 

and  that  we  are  working  toward  our  goal  in  patient  and  hopeful  love. 
Even  outside  this  hall  it  will  be  seen  that  we  are  not  possessed  by  an 
extravagant  dream,  that  we  desire  nothing  silly  or  unjust.  What 
we  want  is  to  make  it  possible  for  our  unfortunate  people  to  live  a  life 
of  industry,  for  it  is  by  steady  work  alone  that  we  hope  for  their 
physical  and  moral  rehabilitation.  For  this  reason  above  all  we  have 
undertaken  to  rally  our  people  around  an  ideal. 

It  is  impossible  that  our  attitude  should  displease  other  nations. 
This  was  first  proven  in  this  free  city,  which  is  extending  its  hospi- 
tality to  us.  The  day  before  yesterday  was  St.  Jacob's  Day.  Toward 
evening  the  crowds  returned  from  their  holiday  outing.  They  re- 
minded one  of  the  beautiful  story  of  "The  Squad  of  the  Seven  Up- 
right Men"  by  Gottfried  Keller,  the  delightful  Swiss  author.  There 
were  squads  upon  squads  of  upright  people  who  aim  to  cultivate  a 
valiant  spirit  in  a  sound  body.  They  drew  past  our  Congress  head- 
quarters. A  lady  waved  her  handkerchief  to  them  in  greeting.  Her 
action  was  the  signal  for  a  demonstration  which  we  shall  certainly 
never  forget.  As  the  squads  marched  by  they  saluted  our  people, 
and  a  strange  and  unexpected  shout  rose  from  the  street :  "Hurrah 
for  the  Jews !"  Perhaps  hot  tears  welled  up  in  the  eyes  of  many  of 
us.  At  such  moments  we  lose  the  self-possession  which  we  have 
learned  to  maintain  in  the  face  of  all  sorts  of  oppression  and  of  the 
most  unjust  accusations. 

Does  this  shout  of  Basle  signify  the  beginning  of  kindlier  times? 
That  we  cannot  tell.  But  we  can  resolve  to  become  worthy  of  such 
acclamations.  As  we  were  steadfast  in  the  darkest  days  so  let  us  be 
thankful  and  modest  if  better  days  should  come.  And  how  shall  we 
conjure  up  those  better  days,  which  still  lie  beyond  our  field  of 
vision?  Will  they  bring  us  no  more  than  the  possession  of  land,  in- 
creased consideration,  untroubled  rest?  No!  Those  of  us  who  are 
today  prepared  to  hazard  our  lives  for  the  cause  would  regret  having 
raised  a  finger,  if  we  were  able  to  organize  only  a  new  social  system 
and  not  a  more  righteous  one. 

Better  days  for  us,  but  also  for  the  others  in  whose  behalf  we 
want  to  set  out  once  more  on  unbeaten  paths  as  self-sacrificing 
pioneers.  To  attain  our  ends  our  cultural  status  need  be  no  more  elevated, 
no  more  marvelous,  than  it  is  at  present.  But  our  culture  should  be 
utilized  for  the  furtherance  of  humane  ends.  And  we  believe  that  our 
people  will  understand  this,  because  it  has  passed  through  so  many 
schools,  has  lived  among  so  many  peoples.  If  it  has  suffered  among 
them  all,  it  knows  the  sufferings  of  all.  We  see  in  a  vision  of  better 
days  an  assemblage  of  men  of  all  cultures,  such  as  this  hall  contains 
today — a  universal  citizenship,  not  limited  to  a  single  language;  a 
permanent  attempt  to  vanquish  misery  by  harmonious  co-operation ; 


16  CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL 

and  growing  out  of  all  this  a  higher  type  of  civilization.  And  then 
our  attempts  to  adapt  ourselves,  the  failure  of  which  brought  us  to- 
gether anew,  will  yet  stand  us  in  good  stead.  Perhaps  the  efficiency 
of  the  Germanic  peoples,  the  versatility  of  the  Latin  peoples,  the 
great  patience  of  the  Slavs,  have  not  passed  over  us  without  leaving 
an  impression.  Is  our  meaning  clear?  Jewish  artists,  philosophers 
and  scholars  of  all  lands  united  in  a  common  work  and  under  a 
tolerant  social  system !  It  is  true  that  we  aspire  to  our  ancient  land. 
But  what  we  want  in  the  ancient  land  is  a  new  blossoming  of  the 
Jewish  spirit. 


L 


THIRD   CONGRESS   ADDRESS 

Delivered  at  Basle,  August  15th,  1899 

FELLOW  DELEGATES:  At  this  solemn  hour,  when  the  delegates  of 
the  Jewish  people,  coming  from  afar,  convene  here,  let  our  first  word 
be  one  of  thanks  to  the  free  and  beautiful  city  which  has  once  more 
extended  its  hospitality  to  us.  Not  only  those  present  are  grateful, 
but  also  their  constituents  in  many  remote  parts  of  the  world.  Basle, 
the  Basle  Congress,  the  Basle  Platform,  these  words  have  already/ 
become  familiar  to  our  people,  and  signify  consolation  and  hope. 

We  are  here  for  the  third  time  to  discuss  the  grievances  and  the 
wishes  of  a  nation  which  seeks  to  reawaken  to  life.  It  seemed  in  the 
beginning,  perhaps  it  still  seems  to  some  people,  as  if  little  were 
accomplished  by  our  coming  here  and  delivering  speeches,  speeches 
interspersed  with  sighs.  These  doubters  overlook  the  fact  that  even 
other  representative  bodies  do  no  more  than  talk.  Who  will  deny  that 
speeches  delivered  under  such  circumstances  have  a  tremendous  in- 
fluence on  the  present  and  future  destiny  of  a  nation?  Knowing  this, 
we  have  taken  pains  to  create  a  platform  whence  our  words  will  be 
heard ;  that  is  to  say,  a  Jewish  forum. 

As  our  people  is  not  to  return  to  the  life  of  a  former  age,  but  is 
to  awaken  to  the  life  of  present  times,  it  has  had  to  be  provided  first 
of  all  with  a  modern  medium  of  this  sort,  so  that  it  may  be  enabled 
to  voice  its  desire  for  continued  existence.  Therefore,  this  forum 
which  we  have  gained  is  a  precious  possession.  Let  us  guard  it  well ! 
Through  the  earnestness  and  calm  of  our  deliberations  we  can  in- 
crease the  respect  shown  to  our  Congress.  This  respect  we  should 
speedily  forfeit  through  want  of  discretion  and  through  quarrels.  Our 
rostrum  will  be  as  lofty  as  the  speeches  delivered.  There  is  no  ma- 
terial power  to  lend  weight  to  our  words,  consequently  if  they  are  to 
have  any  significance  whatsoever  it  can  proceed  only  from  the  spiritual 
power  of  the  idea  and  from  the  nobility  of  the  sentiments  which  we 
proclaim.  Everyone  of  us  must  keep  this  fact  in  mind  constantly  if 
he  wishes  to  speak  here  for  the  Jewish  people  and  to  the  Jewish 
people. 

There  is  another  thing:  we  are  not  here  to  occupy  ourselves 
with  the  internal  affairs  of  the  individual  countries  of  which  we 
happen  to  be  citizens.  Any  such  attempt  would  only  serve  to  pro- 
duce a  false  impression  of  our  Congress.  We  are  here  for  the  sole 
purpose  of  taking  counsel  on  the  situation  of  our  people  and  of  work- 
ing out,  under  the  supervision  of  public  opinion,  a  solution  which 
shall  be  lawful  as  well  as  humane.  That  we  have  no  other  end  in 

17 


18  CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL 

view  has  been  demonstrated  by  all  our  previous  actions.  Thus  we 
ourselves  draw  incontestable  boundaries  about  our  activities.  We 
want  to  occupy  ourselves  with  the  welfare  of  the  Jewish  people. 
That  is  our  right.  It  is  also  our  duty. 

At  the  time  when  the  peace  proposal1  of  His  Majesty  the  Em- 
peror of  Russia  rejoiced  the  world,  it  was  to  be  remarked  that  this 
means  of  getting  at  international  difficulties  through  a  frank  ex- 
change of  thoughts  on  the  part  of  those  involved  has  come  to  satisfy 
the  ethical  consciousness  of  present-day  civilization.  You  will  recall 
that  we  were  assembled  here  when  this  noble  proposal  became 
known  and  that  the  Zionist  Congress  was  the  first  body  that  could 
express  its  enthusiasm.  Now  a  year  has  elapsed.  The  peace  idea  is 
on  the  way  to  becoming  a  reality,  and  that  is  a  great  deal,  even  if  it 
has  not  yet  reached  its  goal.  But  this  example  should  serve  us  as 
a  lesson  in  patience.  If  the  great  ones  of  this  earth  content  them- 
selves with  the  slow  progress  of  their  loftiest  ideas,  how  satisfied 
must  we  poor  folks  be  if  we  can  affirm  that  things  are  going  forward 
a  little.  Thus  we  should  continue  with  our  work  cheerfully  even  if 
there  had  been  no  outward  evidence  of  progress  during  the  past  year. 
Even  if  nothing  had  occurred  which  could  be  taken  to  signify  a 
strengthening  of  our  movement  or  an  increase  of  the  esteem  it  com- 
mands and  the  means  at  its  disposal,  we  should  have  had  to  proceed 
cheerfully  with  our  task. 

But  this  year  was  by  no  means  a  bad  one  for  our  movement.  It 
was  a  good  year.  We  achieved  a  number  of  things ;  we  made  distinct 
progress. 

An  important  event,  which  was,  as  usual,  partly  suppressed  and 
partly  advertised  in  distorted  form  by  our  opponents,  was  the  re- 
r  ception  accorded  to  the  Zionist  delegation  in  Jerusalem  by  His 
Majesty  the  German  Emperor.  The  very  fact  that  the  gifted  em- 
peror has  given  his  attention  to  the  national  idea  would  suffice  to 
inspire  us  with  a  certain  amount  of  confidence.  Insignificant  move- 
ments are  not  perceived  from  such  heights.  But  what  took  place 
was  more  than  a  mere  recognition.  It  was  not  as  a  Jewish  deputation 
nor  as  members  of  a  "practical"  colonization  association  that  they 
were  received,  but  as  a  delegation  of  the  Zionist  Actions  Committee. 
The  principles  and  the  aims  of  our  movement  were  fully  known  be- 
forehand, and  it  was  a  memorable  day  for  all  Jewry  when,  with  this 
knowledge,  the  German  Emperor  assured  us  of  his  sympathetic  in- 
terest. All  true  Jews  ought  to  be  grateful  to  him  in  consequence. 

Fellow  Delegates,  you  will  understand  that  decorum  forbids  us 
to  utilize  the  Jerusalem  reception  for  publicity  in  view  of  the  circum- 
stances under  which  it  took  place,  fortunate  and  significant  occur- 


CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL  19 

rence  as  it  is.  We  shall  therefore  refrain  from  discussing  it  here  in 
any  connection  whatsoever.  But  one  point  must  be  brought  out  in 
the  fulness  of  our  gratitude.  As  a  result  of  this  event  nobody  will 
henceforth  question  the  lawfulness  and  uprightness  of  our  movement, 
which  has  been  so  highly  honored. 

Naturally  we  lay  great  stress  on  emphasizing  and  proving  the 
uprightness  of  our  attitude  to  the  Turkish  government.  We  shall 
take  no  step  which  could  begin  to  arouse  the  just  suspicion  of  the 
owner  of  Palestine.  We  want  to  and  are  able  to  bring  great  benefits 
to  the  Ottoman  Empire  and  consequently  we  can  proceed  openly.  Those 
who  come  in  furtively  do  not  intend  to  bring  gifts.  This  reasoning, 
as  is  readily  understood,  led  to  the  present  immigration  difficulties  in 
Palestine.2  We  did  not  bring  them  to  pass,  and  it  is  generally  known 
that  they  antedate  the  movement  here  represented.  But  although  we 
cannot  be  accused  of  having  caused  the  interdiction  against  immigra- 
tion, nevertheless  we  shall  clearly  state  our  position  in  this  matter. 

What?  An  attempt  was  made  to  introduce  an  army  of  settlers 
into  a  country  without  first  making  a  public  statement  of  the  scope 
of  the  plan?  If  anyone  arrives  secretly  in  the  night  and  the  fog  he 
must  not  be  surprised  to  be  accosted  by  a  cry  of  "Halt !  Who  goes 
there?"  And  so  much  the  worse  for  him  if  he  cannot  give  a  valid 
answer!  Besides,  in  such  a  situation  no  answer  is  above  suspicion. 
Therefore  we  do  otherwise.  We  announce  our  intentions  in  the  light 
of  day,  from  which,  God  be  thanked,  we  need  not  shrink,  and  we 
want  to  gain  permission  before  undertaking  a  task  which  would 
otherwise  be  the  most  unjustifiable  of  all  experiments.  For  the  ques- 
tion is  not  only  to  get  the  people  there,  but  also  to  keep  them  there, 
and  that  in  complete  security. 

Unfortunately  there  are  many  of  our  brothers  who  could  not  be 
worse  off  than  they  are,  and  who  are  consequently  ready  for  anything. 
But  in  order  to  do  no  more  than  turn  -a  sick  man  from  one  side 
to  the  other  it  would  be  unnecessary  to  expend  so  much  sagacity, 
trouble,  and  money.  Let  us  rather  try  to  cure  him.  That  is  so  great 
an  aim,  so  sensible  and  self  evident,  that  henceforth  nobody  will  seek 
for  hidden  motives.  Why  should  we  not  proclaim  it  outright?  Then 
all  our  intentions  become  comprehensible  and  suspicion  vanishes  at 
once.  We  are  now  entering  upon  negotiations  which  will  sooner  or 
later  lead  to  results  if  we  proceed  unitedly  and  keep  our  forces 
together. 

For  this  reason  above  all  we  have  generated  the  electric  current 
of  our  unity  and  desire  to  strengthen  it  more  and  more.  Nobody 
has  a  right  to  divert  or  draw  off  part  of  this  current.  It  would  be 
treason  to  the  whole. 

We  know  that  not  all  Zionists  are  represented  at  this  Congress. 


20  CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL 

Our  movement  is  much  larger  than  it  would  appear  here.  One  im- 
portant group  of  excellent  Zionists3  of  a  more  conservative  trend  is 
not  yet  in  accord  with  the  methods  adopted  by  us.  We  do  not  lose 
hope  of  converting  those  brothers  to  our  way  of  thinking.  In  theory 
we  are  at  one.  We  must  combine  in  seeking  the  best  way  of  realizing 
our  ideal. 

Then  there  are  other  Zionists,  in  fact,  those  most  powerful  as 
regards  material  means,  who  would  be  in  perfect  sympathy  with  us 
had  we  not  chosen  to  proceed  by  way  of  public  discussion.  They 
will  be  with  us  if  once  we  are  successful.  Before  that  we  do  not  need 
them,  and  then  we  shall  have  their  support.  There  is  no  longer  any 
doubt  on  that  head. 

What  will  be  the  nature  of  this  success?  Let  us  say  it  in  one 
word :  A  charter !  Our  efforts  are  directed  toward  obtaining  a 
charter  from  the  Turkish  Government — a  charter  under  the  suze- 
rainty of  his  Majesty  the  Sultan.  Only  then,  when  we  shall  be 
in  possession  of  this  charter  which  must  contain  the  necessary  pub- 
licly legalized  guarantees  can  we  begin  practical  colonization  on  a 
large  scale.  In  return  for  the  granting  of  this  charter  we  shall  bring 
great  benefits  to  the  Turkish  Government. 

But  this  could  not  and  cannot  be  brought  to  pass  through  the 
medium  of  the  Congress,  which  does  not  possess  the  requisite  legal 
power.  A  special  contracting  party  had  to  be  created  in  order  to  con- 
clude this  agreement ;  and  that  is  the  Jewish  Colonial  Trust.  If  any- 
one should  still  raise  the  question  whether  the  Zionist  movement  was 
to  be  taken  seriously — the  hundred  thousand  subscribers  to  the  Jew- 
ish Colonial  Trust  have  answered  him.  The  answer  came  from 
Siberia,  from  the  frontiers  of  China,  from  Southern  Argentina, 
from  Canada,  and  from  the  Transvaal.  Today  the  Colonial  Trust 
is  a  fact.  Those  of  us  who  serve  our  ideal  with  ever  increasing  en- 
thusiasm are  not  in  the  habit  of  vaunting  the  sacrifices  we  have  made. 
But  now  that  we  are  presenting  to  the  Congress  this  accomplished 
part  of  our  task  we  may  relieve  our  hearts  and  confess  that  this 
was  the  greatest  sacrifice  which  we  have  hitherto  been  called  upon  to 
bring.  People  who  never  had  anything  to  do  with  business  to  agitate 
for  the  establishment  of  a  bank  and  to  lay  themselves  open  to  the  most 
insulting  suspicions !  It  had  to  be  done,  and  we  did  it.  Today  we  pre- 
sent our  achievement  to  the  Congress,  to  which  we  have  assured  complete 
jurisdiction  over  the  administration  of  the  Trust,  an  administration  which 
t  honorably  serves  the  ends  of  the  Zionist  movement.  The  Congress  will 
administer  the  institution  through  representatives,  who  are  to  be  elected 
annually.  Needless  to  say  the  capital  stock  shall  not  be  used  for  the 
acquisition  of  land.  The  Trust  is  only  an  intermediary.  A  land  com- 
pany, properly  speaking,  will  be  organized  on  the  basis  of  the  charter 


CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL  21 

which  we  intend  to  obtain  and  with  a  correspondingly  larger  capital. 
However,  even  to-day  we  have  definitely  ascertained  that  the  requisite 
sum  can  be  secured,  and  at  the  proper  time  we  shall  announce  facts  to 
you  which  cannot  be  made  known  at  present. 

All  this  would  seem  to  be  in  the  nature  of  preparations,  of  pros- 
pective enterprises.  But  in  reality  it  is  as  practical  and  as  present  a 
thing  as  a  seed  entrusted  to  the  soil.  First  it  was  a  seed  of  thought, 
now  it  is  a  seed  of  projects.  Today  it  is  not  yet  bread  it  is  only  the 
bread  of  tomorrow.  It  is  true  that  the  oversatiated,  whose  imagi- 
nation is  weakened  by  good  living,  do  not  yet  want  to  understand  us. 
So  much  the  better  are  we  understood  by  the  poor  and  wretched. 
Their  imagination  is  born  of  poverty.  Today  and  yesterday  have 
taught  them  how  painful  hunger  will  be  tomorrow.  And  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  our  people  are  thus  situated.  They  are  the  most 
reliable  of  our  associates,  though  they  are  not  able  to  give  us  even  a 
small  annual  contribution.  They  are  the  best  Zionists,  because  among 
them  the  old  national  traditions  still  persist  unforgotten,  because 
they  have  a  strong  religious  sentiment,  and  because  they  suffer  dire 
need.  Fearful  indeed  are  the  reports  from  many  regions.  Jewry 
is  a  tremendous  tenement  of  misery,  with  branches  all  over  the  world.* 
This,  too,  you  will  hear  from  our  forum,  as  it  is  the  sad  truth.  And 
these  conditions  cry  for  a  remedy.  Deep  misery  is  the  cause  of  dis- 
ease and  moral  neglect,  and  heavy  hearts  are  fertile  soil  for  the  most 
extreme  revolutionary  thoughts.  These  are  the  things  we  want  to 
change  for  the  better.  We  believe  that  salvation  is  to  be  found  in 
wholesome  work  in  a  beloved  land.  Work  will  provide  our  people 
with  the  bread  of  the  morrow  and,  moreover,  with  the  honor  of  the 
morrow,  the  freedom  of  the  morrow. 

Our  appeal  for  assistance  is  directed  to  the  men  of  all  creeds 
and  of  all  nations.  We  need  none  other  than  moral  support  from 
without.  There  are  numbers  of  Jews  who  agree  with  us  in  their 
hearts ;  but  some  hesitate  to  say  so  for  fear  of  its  being  held  up  against 
them.  Those  who  want  to  afford  us  their  moral  support  because  they 
believe  in  the  equitableness  of  our  undertaking  should  see  to  it  that 
our  movement  is  not  misunderstood  in  their  sphere  of  activity,  for 
such  misunderstandings  would  only  lead  to  renewed  false  accusations, 
such  as  have  so  often  been  directed  against  us.  Otherwise  this  salutory 
movement  would  be  intimidated  and  might  possibly  come  to  a  stand- 
still. Surely  no  fair-minded  man  desires  such  a  consummation. 

Here  then  is  a  people  striving  for  existence,  for  honor,  and  for 
liberty.  It  seeks  to  abandon  a  suffocating  atmosphere  and  to  go  forth 
into  the  sunshine.  Under  present  conditions  the  Jews  have  three 
roads  before  them :  One  is  apathetic  submission  to  insult  and  poverty ; 
another  is  revolt,  outspoken  hostility  to  an  unjust  social  system. 


22  CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL 

Ours  is  the  third  road.  We  want  to  mount  to  a  higher  grade  of 
civilization,  to  spread  well-being  abroad,  to  build  new  highways  for 
the  intercourse  of  peoples,  and  to  forge  an  opening  for  the  coming  of 
social  justice.  And  just  as  our  beloved  poet5  transformed  his  sorrows 
into  songs,  so  upon  the  loom  of  our  sufferings  we  shall  weave  progress 
for  mankind  whom  we  serve. 


FOURTH   CONGRESS   ADDRESS 

Delivered  at  London,  August  \2>th,  1900 

FELLOW  DELEGATES:  The  convening  of  the  fourth  Zionist  Con- 
gress in  London  justifies  itself.  England  is  one  of  the  few  sanctuaries 
where  Jew  hatred  has  not  yet  taken  root.  This  incontestable  fact  in 
itself  reveals  the  sad  plight  of  the  Jewish  people  at  the  present  time. 
We  must  roam  the  whole  of  the  earth's  surface  to  find  a  spot  where 
God's  ancient  people  is  not  cursed  and  persecuted. 

But  let  us  draw  no  false  conclusions  from  the  fact  that  in  glorious 
England  the  Jews  enjoy  complete  freedom  and  full  human  rights.  He 
were  a  poor  friend  of  the  Jews  of  this  land  as  well  as  of  those  of  other 
lands  who  advised  the  persecuted  to  flee  to  England.  Our  English 
brethren  could  not  enjoy  their  fortunate  situation  otherwise  than  in 
fear  and  trembling  if  it  proved  an  attraction  for  the  despairing  ones  of 
our  people.  An  immigration  of  this  sort  would  constitute  a  danger 
not  only  to  those  who  are  living  here  but  to  the  newcomers  as  well. 
For  these  latter  would  unwittingly  import  in  their  wretched  bundles 
the  very  thing  from  which  they  were  fleeing,  namely,  anti-Semitism.1 
We,  however,  pitch  our  tents  here  for  a  few  days  as  we  propose  to 
treat  of  the  solution  of  the  Jewish  question  in  public  discussion. 

In  the  interval  between  Congresses  our  opponents  take  great 
pains  to  cover  our  intentions  with  an  entanglement  of  untruths,  and 
as  a  result  our  first  task,  whenever  we  come  together,  must  be  to  re- 
move this  overgrowth  with  the  blow  of  an  axe,  as  it  were,  and  to  lay 
bare  the  tree.  Thus  we  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  that  our  tree  is 
healthy  and  flourishing. 

Zionism  demands  a  publicly  recognized  and  legally  secured  home 
in  Palestine  for  the  Jewish  people.  This  platform,  which  we  drew  up 
three  years  ago,  is  unchangeable.  It  must  have  responded  to  a  very 
deep  necessity,  a  very  old  longing  of  our  people,  otherwise  its  effects 
would  be  inexplicable.  There  is  no  need  of  my  enumerating  these 
effects  at  the  present  day.  Everyone  knows  them,  everyone  sees  and 
hears  them.  Four  years  ago  in  speaking  of  a  Jewish  nation  one  ran 
the  risk  of  being  thought  ridiculous.  Today  he  makes  himself  ridicu- 
lous who  denies  the  existence  of  a  Jewish  nation.  A  glance  at  this 
hall,  where  our  people  is  represented  by  delegates  from  all  over  the 
world,  suffices  to  prove  this. 

This  fact  is  of  significance  not  only  to  us  but  to  others  as  well. 
It  affords  the  individual  countries  an  humane  and  equitable  solution 
of  the  perplexing  Jewish  question,  and  at  the  same  time  it  opens  up 
new  vistas  in  the  Near  East. 

23 


24  CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL 

Our  return  to  the  land  of  our  fathers,  foretold  by  Holy  Writ, 
sung  by  poets,  desired  with  tears  by  the  poor  of  our  people,  and 
derided  by  pitiable  mockers,  is  an  event  of  the  greatest  political  in- 
terest to  all  the  powers  concerned  in  the  affairs  of  Asia. 

Permit  me  to  quote  a  few  words  from  the  opening  address  deliv- 
ered at  the  Second  Congress.  In  the  year  1898  the  following  words 
were  spoken  in  Basle :  "Palestine  is  not  only  the  home  of  the  loftiest 
ideas  and  the  unhappiest  of  peoples,  but  it  is  also  of  great  importance 
to  Europe  because  of  its  geographical  situation.  The  time  cannot  be 
distant  when  it  will  be  traversed  by  a  cultural  and  commercial  high- 
way to  Asia.  Asia  is  the  diplomatic  problem  of  the  coming  decade." 

These  words,  dating  back  to  1898,  actually  give  an  impression  of 
triteness  to-day,  so  completely  have  they  been  borne  out  by  the  events 
of  the  last  few  months.  The  Asiatic  problem  grows  more  serious  day 
by  day,  and  threatens  to  become  a  bloody  problem  for  a  time.  For 
this  reason  it  is  more  and  more  to  the  interest  of  the  civilized 
nations  and  of  civilization  in  general  that  a  cultural  station  be  estab- 
lished on  the  shortest  road  to  Asia.  Palestine  is  this  station,  and  we 
Jews  are  the  bearers  of  culture  who  are  ready  to  give  our  property  and 
our  lives  to  bring  about  its  creation.  Those  who  concern  themselves 
with  politics  will  perceive  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye  that  a  valuable 
opportunity  to  draw  nearer  to  Asia  is  thus  presented.  No  one  of  the 
powers  would  need  to  look  with  anxiety  upon  the  cultural  station 
which  the  impotent  Jewish  people  would  speedily  erect  under  the 
suzerainty  of  his  Majesty  the  Sultan.  The  Jews  would  be  benefited, 
together  with  the  others,  and  Turkey  would  reap  the  greatest  ad- 
vantages of  all. 

England,  mighty  England,  free  England,  with  its  world-embrac- 
ing outlook,  will  understand  us  and  our  aspirations.  With  England 
as  a  starting  point  we  may  be  sure  that  the  Zionist  idea  will  soar 
further  and  higher  than  ever  before. 

Of  course,  the  practical  people,  the  overwise,  will  come  and  ask 
us  what  is  to  be  gained  by  all  this.  We  know  these  people.  We  re- 
member all  the  stones  they  hurled  in  our  path,  all  the  annoyances 
they  wished  to  cause  us,  and  succeeded  in  causing  us.  It  is  these  same 
people  who  are  never  done  with  asking  what  we  have  accomplished, 
how  far  we  have  progressed,  when  we  will  finally  reach  our  goal.  If 
they  had  helped  us  with  all  their  strength  instead  of  hampering  us 
with  all  their  strength,  they  could  not  question  us  more  eagerly.  Not 
one  of  those  who  are  working  in  the  construction  of  this  edifice,  from 
the  greatest  to  the  least,  from  the  architects  and  their  assistants  to 
the  humble,  loyal,  hod-carriers,  has  questioned  us  so  persistently.  We 
are  content  with  the  knowledge  that  we  must  work,  and  we  do  it 
cheerfully,  courageously  and  enthusiastically.  We  build  on  and  on, 


CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL  25 

and  our  edifice  grows.  It  is  not  given  to  everyone  to  understand  that 
which  is  not  yet  finished.  But  I  am  convinced  that  those  Jews  who 
stand  aside  to-day  with  a  malicious  smile  and  with  their  hands  in 
their  trousers'  pockets,  will  also  want  to  dwell  in  our  beautiful  house. 

There  is,  however,  a  definite  question  which  we  have  no  intention 
of  evading.  Have  we  already  obtained  a  charter,  giving  us  the  right 
of  settlement  in  Palestine?  We  answer  clearly  and  distinctly:  No. 
It  is  quite  another  question  whether  we  still  continue  to  hope,  to 
struggle,  to  work,  in  order  to  obtain  it.  To  this  question  we  answer 
equally  clearly  and  distinctly :  Yes !  The  likelihood  of  realizing  our 
demands  and  proposals  grows  with  our  numbers  and  with  the  increase 
of  our  strength.  For  the  present  we  have  reason  to  be  satisfied  with 
the  spirit  in  which  our  aspirations  were  regarded  by  the  mighty  ones 
of  the  earth.  Do  not  demand  more  than  this  intimation  from  your 
Actions  Committee.  In  this  respect  you  must  have  implicit  confidence 
in  it.  You  may  freely  question  it  regarding  all  other  matters. 

Our  activities  and  the  progress  we  have  made  can  be  summed  up 
in  a  single  sentence :  We  are  organizing  Jewry  for  its  coming  destiny. 

But  for  once  we,  too,  shall  ask  a  question.  We  shall  ask  our 
Jewish  opponents  what  they  have  done  in  all  these  years  to  relieve 
the  frightful  distress  of  our  brothers.  Where  are  the  results  of  their 
work?  What  have  they  achieved?  Have  they  created  anything  prac- 
tical ?  We  are  continually  told  of  committees,  of  collections,  of  insti- 
tutions. Out  with  the  results !  Out  with  the  effects !  We  should  like 
to  admire  these  people,  and  to  thank  them  in  the  name  of  the  poor. 

This  is  no  petulant  question,  but  a  fearfully  serious  one.  You  all 
know  what  horrible  event  provokes  it,  how  the  Roumanian  Jews  made 
their  way  through  Europe,  leaving  as  it  were,  a  track  of  blood  in 
their  wake.2  Where  was  "official  Jewry"  ?  Where  were  the  great  ones 
of  Israel,  the  pillars  of  the  communities?  By  their  fruits  shall  ye  know 
them !  They  made  much  ado  about  hurrying  a  few  thousand  fugi- 
tives along,  and  then  declared  that  they  were  unable  to  do  anything 
further.  Groups  of  fugitives  who  came  later  were  driven  together  by 
means  of  armed  force,  and  were  put  in  special  trains  to  be  thrust  back 
to  the  frontiers  which  they  had  succeeded  in  crossing  with  frightful 
hardships.  These  special  trains  represented  the  supreme  effort  of  the 
charitably  inclined.  Up  to  now,  among  the  arguments  in  favor  of 
Zionism,  one  of  the  best  was  the  bankruptcy  of  assimilation.  Now 
we  have  a  new  one :  the  insolvency  of  philanthropy.  And  what  an 
insolvency!  For  when  the  wealthy  become  bankrupt  the  losses  are 
enormous. 

The  philanthropic  societies  insist  that  they  were  not  prepared  for 
a  calamity  of  this  nature.  That  is  their  fault.  They  should  have  been 
gracious  enough  to  acquaint  themselves  with  the  deliberations  of  our 


26  CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL 

Congresses.  At  the  first  Basle  Congress  in  1897  the  petitions  of  fifty 
thousand  Roumanian  Jews  were  submitted.  They  implored  help  from 
the  depth  of  their  misery.  They  could  not  endure  their  plight  for  an- 
other hour,  and  they  endured  it  three  years  longer.  Three  years  of 
misery,  the  horror  of  which  we  can  begin  to  grasp  only  now  when  we 
see  them  on  their  wanderings.  You  will  hear  more  of  this  in  the 
course  of  our  deliberations. 

It  would  seem  as  if  all  this,  the  shameful  misery,  the  impossibility 
of  providing  a  shelter  for  the  fugitives,  the  wreck  of  the  relief 
agencies,  ought  to  convince  our  most  obstinate  opponents  that  the 
Zionists  alone  are  in  possession  of  the  one  true  panacea.  No !  Under 
no  circumstances  must  we  be  put  in  the  right.  On  the  contrary,  we 
are  accused  of  having  instigated  these  lamentable  wanderings  of  the 
Jews  in  order  to  provide  ourselves  with  propaganda  material. 

We  herewith  declare  this  to  be  a  falsehood.  Never,  never  did  we 
incite  or  favor  so  aimless  a  pilgrimage.  We  have  answered  the  in- 
numerable inquiries  of  eager  would-be  travelers  with  admonitions  to 
be  patient.  Foreseeing  events  as  we  did,  we  warned  the  people  who 
wanted  to  leave  their  homes  without  plans,  without  a  goal,  and  without 
money,  of  the  calamity  which  was  bound  to  overtake  them.  When, 
having  ignored  our  dissuasions,  these  victims  of  misery  started  out  on 
their  wanderings,  we  nevertheless  helped  them  as  best  we  could. 

Unfortunately  we  could  not  do  much,  as  we  had  made  no  pro- 
vision for  charitable  undertakings.  But  this  disaster,  which  is  prob- 
ably not  the  last  of  its  kind,  and  which  is,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  not  yet 
of  the  past,  should  be  a  serious  warning  to  us  Zionists  as  well  as  to" 
others.  We  must  not  content  ourselves  with  using  it  as  evidence  that 
our  theories  are  justified.  We  must  draw  practical  conclusions  there- 
from. No  longer  shall  despairing  emigrants  depend  upon  the  ca- 
pricious favor  of  philanthropists.  Let  it  be  one  of  the  duties  of  this 
Congress  to  establish  financial  agencies  by  means  of  which  our 
Zionists  will  in  future  attempt  to  guarantee  reciprocal  aid  to  one  an- 
other in  cases  of  necessity.  By  bringing  small  sacrifices  each  indi- 
vidual can  increase  the  strength  of  the  whole,  which  may  perhaps 
come  to  his  aid  some  day.  Thus  we  may  earn  a  right  to  assistance  and 
require  no  more  favors. 

Our  progress  is  laborious,  yes,  and  full  of  affliction.  But  it  will 
prove  our  courage  and  our  faithfulness.  Let  those  who  crave  imme- 
diate results  withdraw  from  our  ranks.  And  if  the  final  victory  takes 
its  time  in  coming  to  us  we  shall  at  least  be  able  to  point  to  a  moral 
gain  growing  out  of  the  material  need  of  our  people.  We  shall  have 
shown  that  Jewry  is  still  capable  of  an  idealism  which  defies  danger, 
endures  privation,  and  possesses  the  infinite  patience  through  which 
great  ends  are  achieved. 


FIFTH   CONGRESS   ADDRESS 

Delivered  at  Basle,  December  26th,  1901 

FELLOW  DELEGATES:  This  year  we  come  together  for  the  fifth 
time,  for  the  fourth  time  in  Basle,  where  our  movement  is  regarded 
with  a  kindliness  for  which  we  are  sincerely  grateful.  Indeed,  it  may  be 
said  that  the  hospitality  shown  by  this  city  to  a  movement  which  aims 
to  alleviate  misery  has  but  served  to  increase  its  long-standing  renown. 

Already  many  things  that  seemed  difficult  of  achievement  are 
completed  and  have  been  left  behind  us,  and  others  are  on  the  way 
to  accomplishment.  But  let  me  signalize  one  fact  above  all  others : 
we  are  met  together  again  in  faithfulness,  and  the  years  have  failed 
to  cool  our  enthusiasm  for  a  noble  cause.  Death  has  robbed  us  of 
numbers  of  staunch  adherents;  physical  ills  and  professional  duties 
have  kept  away  many  a  one  who  is  nevertheless  present  in  spirit.  It 
was  not  easy  for  dwellers  in  distant  parts  of  the  world  to  travel  at  this 
time  of  the  year,  but  some  of  them  have  appeared  notwithstanding, 
and  new  co-workers,  not  only  Jews,  have  joined  us  in  gratifying  num- 
bers. Without  party  bias  I  can  safely  assert  that  the  helpers  who 
have  come  to  us  from  the  ranks  of  other  creeds  and  nationalities  are 
of  the  best  and  noblest  types  of  mankind. 

Allow  me  to  quote  from  an  address  delivered  by  the  English 
author,  Hall  Caine,  at  a  recent  meeting  in  London :  "If  I  were  a  Jew 
I  should  be  mightily  proud  of  the  fact — proud  to  belong  to  an  ancient 
race  which  has  produced  some  of  the  greatest  men  in  history ;  proud 
of  a  nation  which  still  takes  an  active  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  world, 
although  it  can  call  neither  throne  nor  king  nor  army  nor  a  square  inch 
of  the  earth's  surface  its  own;  proud  of  a  literature  which  in  Holy 
Writ  has  soared  to  a  height  not  attained  by  other  masterpieces  of  the 
human  spirit ;  I  should  be  proud  of  the  opportunity  of  taking  part  in 
an  effort  to  transform  Palestine  from  a  poverty-stricken  desert  to  a 
land  of  rich  fertility  and  prosperity ;  but  I  should  be  proudest  of  all  of 
the  great  possibility  which  now  lies  before  the  Jews,  namely,  to  be 
able  to  work  for  the  poor  and  oppressed  of  their  people,  in  order  to 
realize  the  tremendous  religious  hope  which  has  sustained  them  for 
three  thousand  hideous  years." 

Thus  speaks  a  Christian !  But  these  words,  which  do  him  honor, 
would  not  be  becoming  to  us.  We  have  a  duty  to  perform.  The 
weak  are  entitled  to  the  assistance  of  those  who  are  stronger  than 
they.  Our  former  Congresses  have  shown  what  form  we  think  this 
assistance  should  take,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  this  Congress  too 
will  spread  abroad  enlightenment  as  to  the  lawfulness  of  our  wishes 

27 


28  CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL 

and  the  uprightness  of  our  proceedings.  It  is  our  opinion  that  the 
Jewish  question  can  be  solved  only  by  the  Jews  themselves. 

Starting  from  this  basic  principle,  all  the  rest  follows  in  logical 
sequence.  That  is  why  we  have  abandoned  previous  methods.  We 
have  not  tried  to  prove  through  invective  that  we  were  the  better 
people.  We  have  not  alluded  in  vague  sermons  to  the  imminent  fra- 
ternization of  all  mankind.  We  no  longer  want  to  wear  the  mask  of 
any  other  nationality.  And  finally  we  are  not  working  for  the  over- 
throw of  all  things.  These  matters  do  not  concern  us.  On  the  con- 
trary, we  believe  that  the  means  of  solving  the  Jewish  question  are  to 
be  found  in  the  existing  order  of  law  and  society. 

The  first  attributes  to  be  demanded  of  people  who  take  upon 
themselves  the  solution  of  a  great  question  are  a  sufficient  measure 
of  earnestness  and  a  calm  judgment  of  given  conditions.  The  condi- 
tions are  sad,  but  nothing  can  be  accomplished  by  lamentations.  If 
we  show  that  we  are  capable  of  action  we  shall  not  lack  the  co-opera- 
tion of  honest  men.  There  are  many  indications  of  this.  The  impar- 
tial must  admit  that  we  are  proposing  a  decisive  solution.  At  the  present 
time  the  masses  of  the  Jewish  proletariat  are  not  only  the  poorest  and 
unhappiest,  but  the  most  unquiet  and  the  most  disquieting  as  well.  They 
are  constantly  wandering  out  of  one  state  of  wretchedness  into  an- 
other, and  how  great  must  their  suffering  be  if  they  are  ready  to 
brave  the  hopelessness  of  these  wanderings  merely  in  order  to  seek 
out  a  new  kind  of  misery !  To  render  this  proletariat  steady  and  in- 
dustrious were  a  noble  task  in  itself,  apart  from  any  national  or  re- 
ligious motive.  You  know  that  many  have  tried  their  hand  at  this 
task  which  confronts  us,  animated  by  good  intentions  and  moreover 
with  great  material  means  at  their  disposal.1  But  you  also  know  that 
these  attempts  came  to  nothing.  Why?  Because  they  all  set  out  from 
a  false  premise.  They  said:  "In  the  beginning  is  money."  No!  In 
the  beginning  is  the  idea!  Money  will  secure  hirelings,  but  it  will 
not  arouse  a  people.  Only  an  idea  will  bring  this  to  pass.  And  it  has 
brought  it  to  pass. 

But  in  criticizing  former  efforts  we  must  guard  against  arro- 
gance. As  a  matter  of  fact,  our  position  to  the  earlier  Zionists  is 
simply  that  of  people  who  make  modern  improvements  on  an  unserv- 
iceable old  machine.  Doubtless  the  old  machine  deserves  veneration, 
but  it  belongs  to  a  museum.  Respect  for  our  forerunners  and  for 
those  who  held  views  similar  to  ours  would  prevent  us  from  dwelling 
so  emphatically  on  this  contrast,  were  it  not  that  the  inadequate  re- 
sults of  their  efforts  are  used  as  arguments  against  us.  Philanthropic 
colonization  is  a  failure.  National  colonization  will  succeed. 

Moreover,  the  question  as  to  what  we  shall  do  with  the  settlers 
causes  us  no  embarrassment.  We  want  to  attach  them  to  the  earth, 


CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL  29 

to  make  them  permanent  dwellers  on  the  land.  They  shall  live  near 
the  soil  and  by  the  soil,  not  keep  an  anxious  eye  upon  the  fluctuations 
of  prices  as  impotent  tradesmen  do.  Their  concern  with  barter  shall 
be  limited  to  the  disposition  of  the  products  which  they  raise  in  ex- 
cess of  their  needs.  Each  settlement  shall  administer  its  own  affairs 
as  an  agricultural  productive  association,  in  accordance  with  the  prin- 
ciples which  experience  and  science  have  taught  us.  We  must  hold 
to  these  principles  if  by  the  grace  of  God  we  obtain  the  publicly  legal- 
ized guarantees  mentioned  in  our  platform.  Thus  the  foundation  can 
be  laid  for  the  permanent  peace  which  the  Jewish  people  long  for  so 
intensely. 

What  building  is  to  rise  upon  the  broad  and  steadfast  basis  of 
an  industrious  agricultural  population?  What  sort  of  modern  and 
habitable  edifice?  That  will  depend  upon  the  people  itself  when  once 
we  shall  have  secured  for  it  the  molding  of  its  own  destiny.  There  is 
room  in  Palestine  for  all  the  forces  of  Jewry,  for  the  untaught  as  well 
as  for  the  highly  cultured.  No  longer  will  it  be  necessary  to  exclude 
Jewish  children  from  institutions  of  learning  as  is  done  in  some  places 
at  the  present  time.  And  perhaps  it  is  not  altogether  to  the  discredit 
of  the  Jews  that  they  consider  the  cultural  restrictions  imposed  upon 
them  as  the  greatest  of  present-day  afflictions.  We  shall  not  even 
touch  upon  other  forms  of  oppression,  lest  our  Congress  become  an- 
other Wailing  Wall.  We  must  not  complain,  but  we  must  work,  all 
the  more  because  those  who  have  hitherto  represented  Jewish  in- 
terests have  shown  themselves  incapable  of  accomplishing  anything 
whatsoever.  To  give  alms  is  not  to  help.  Alms  are  merely  the 
tie  which  binds  the  lazy  rich  to  the  lazy  poor.  But  these  two  cate- 
gories do  not  represent  the  whole  of  the  Jewish  people. 

In  recent  years,  to  be  sure,  they  have  devised  a  new  method  of 
so-called  assistance,  namely,  the  exportation  to  the  New  World  of 
those  uprooted  from  Europe.  In  other  words,  they  have  discovered 
America.  Unfortunately,  this  discovery  was  made  a  little  too  late. 
America  has  no  longer  any  use  for  poor  immigrants,  nor  has  England. 
Even  in  America  there  is  already  great  misery  among  the  Jews. 
Even  in  America  it  is  generally  acknowledged  that  the  solution  which 
we  propose  is  the  correct  one.  As  evidence,  we  have  the  increasing 
number  of  Zionist  societies,  extending  in  a  long  chain  from  the  north 
of  North  America  to  the  south  of  South  America,  from  Canada  to 
Argentina.  It  is  only  in  certain  Jewish  circles  in  Western  Europe 
that  they  admit  anything  rather  than  the  fact  that  we  are  right. 

Our  opponents  maintain  that  we  are  confronted  by  insurmount- 
able political  obstacles,  but  that  may  be  said  of  the  smallest  obstacle 
if  one  has  no  desire  to  surmount  it.  In  the  course  of  the  last  five 
years,  while  we  observed  all  signs  open-mindedly,  we  were  unable  to 


30  CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL 

perceive  that  the  nations  and  governments  were  against  us.  On  the 
contrary,  if  the  clouds  have  lifted  here  and  there  for  the  Jews,  it  is 
thanks  to  Zionism.  On  the  other  hand,  governments  and  nations 
should  be  grateful  to  Zionism  for  having  come  as  a  liberator  and  a 
conciliator  to  point  to  a  remedy,  a  remedy  through  which  the  Jewish 
question  can  be  settled  without  barbarity,  without  medieval  cruelty, 
but  rather  in  noble  peace. 

But  above  all,  we  must  ask  what  Turkey  and  its  sovereign  think 
of  us.  Last  May  I  had  the  honor  of  being  granted  a  lengthy  audi- 
ence by  His  Majesty  the  Sultan  Abdul  Hamid.  The  kindness  and 
cordiality  of  my  reception  filled  me  with  the  highest  hopes.  I  was 
convinced  by  the  words  and  the  manner  of  His  Majesty  that  the  Jewish 
people  has  a  friend  and  benefactor  in  the  ruling  Caliph.  The  Sultan 
empowered  me  to  declare  this  officially.  Let  the  Jews  of  the  whole 
world  hear,  and  let  them  undertsand  what  prospects  this  fact  holds 
out  to  them,  and,  finally,  let  them  keep  themselves  in  readiness  for  the 
proceeding  by  means  of  which  they  can  both  help  themselves  and  con- 
tribute to  a  renewed  blossoming  of  the  Turkish  Empire. 

Fellow  Delegates,  we  whom  you  have  commissioned  to  execute 
your  wishes  have  completed  our  first  task.  We  were,  so  to  speak, 
the  mechanics  who  were  to  install  an  electric  plant.  We  built  the 
machinery  which  could  transform  energy  into  current,  we  laid  the 
wires,  frequently  in  places  which  previously  seemed  inaccessible,  and 
thus  our  modest  task  is  accomplished.  Survey  it  to-day ! 

The  main  feature  of  our  plant  was  this  Congress,  a  body  repre- 
sentative of  those  who  are  dispersed  all  over  the  world,  a  Jewish 
forum  which  has  gained  in  respect  from  year  to  year,  thanks  to  the 
earnestness  and  the  honorable  intentions  of  the  men  whose  words 
were  heard  here.  Even  now  watchwords  go  forth  from  here  to  the 
entire  Diaspora.  In  all  the  lands  of  Europe,  in  North  and  South 
America,  in  North  and  South  Africa,  as  far  as  Siberia,  India,  and  Aus- 
tralia, we  find  Zionist  societies  endorsing  the  Basle  platform.  This 
year,  for  the  first  time,  there  is  a  simultaneous  demonstration  every- 
where, the  World  Zionist  Day,  in  which  many  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  Jews  are  participating. 

Through  our  societies  an  unexpected  vitality  has  surged  through 
Jewry.  There  are  innumerable  cases  of  individual  effort  which,  taken 
collectively,  represent  a  mighty  power.  The  spiritual  and  moral 
benefits  of  Zionism  are  already  considerable ;  even  our  opponents 
cannot  deny  it.  A  Pleiad  of  poets,  artists  and  scholars  have  been 
roused  and  inspired  by  our  idea.  Strangely  enough  they  are  not  only 
Jews,  as  we  have  seen.  That  proves  that  we  are  proclaiming  and  striving 
for  something  that  is  common  to  all  mankind.  And  already  rays 
of  light  have  penetrated  to  many  a  dark  corner  in  which  the  poor  of 
our  people  dwell.  Toynbee  Halls,2  popular  cultural  centers,  are  flour- 


CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL  31 

ishing  in  a  number  of  places.  In  the  school  and  in  the  home  an  ideal 
is  present  before  the  eyes  of  the  young.  The  students  in  the  universities 
are  animated  by  a  new  spirit.  Workmen  and  tradesmen  meet  together 
for  intellectual  discussions.  Moreover,  physical  development  is  culti- 
vated in  athletic  clubs,  sociability  in  glee  clubs.  Mutual  aid  associa- 
tions are  springing  up.  And  all  this  under  the  banner  of  Zionism ! 
But  we  can  do  no  more  than  to  establish  the  institutions — the  nation 
itself  must  support  and  nourish  them. 

This  is  true,  above  all,  of  the  financial  medium  of  our  movement. 
The  Jewish  Colonial  Trust  in  London  is  now  ready  for  business.  Our 
opponents  spoke  much  ill  of  it  in  advance.  But  there  were  neither 
founders'  profits,  shares,  nor  advantages  of  any  kind  for  the  board  of 
directors,  and  the  administration  has  no  aim  but  to  assure  the  common 
property  against  danger. 

Furthermore,  we  must  see  to  it  that  this  possession  of  ours  is 
guarded  with  the  greatest  conscientiousness,  economically  and  over- 
cautiously  rather  than  over-daringly.  The  Congress  exercises  super- 
vision over  the  Trust  through  bodies  elected  by  it;  that  is  what  con- 
stitutes the  value  of  this  arrangement.  An  account  of  the  administra- 
tion must  be  given  publicly.  The  means  which  are  to  be  devoted  to 
our  national  aim  cannot  be  utilized  for  other  purposes  through  the  ca- 
price or  the  mistakes  of  individuals.  This  financial  institution  must  be 
directed  according  to  the  rules  laid  down  by  the  Congress  and  with 
the  care  of  a  good,  scrupulous  pater  familias.  And  now  that  it  is  in 
existence  we  can  proceed  to  the  execution  of  the  plan  which  our  late 
friend,  Professor  Schapira,  of  the  University  of  Heidelberg,  presented 
to  the  First  Congress :  the  creation  of  a  National  Fund.3  The  money 
will  be  deposited  in  the  Jewish  Colonial  Trust  in  London.  In  the 
course  of  our  deliberations  you  will  be  informed  of  the  new  proposal 
and  enabled  to  come  to  a  decision  with  regard  to  it.  The  people  shall 
be  not  only  the  founder  of  this  fund,  but  its  permanent  administrator 
as  well.  This  will  prevent  an  arbitrary  disposition  which  might  con- 
flict with  the  founder's  purposes. 

Thus  in  a  certain  sense  we  can  say  that  we  have  completed  our 
first  task.  To  a  great  extent  the  institutions  are  merely  indicated  and 
admit  of  improvement,  but  in  any  case  they  are  extant.  The  Jewish 
people  can  build  them  up,  strengthen  them,  and  utilize  them  if  it  so 
wishes.  We  took  all  manner  of  pains  to  give  our  achievement  an  im- 
personal character.  That  alone  makes  for  permanence.  Not  one  of  us 
is  indispensable  any  longer.  Neither  the  death  nor  the  defection  of 
any  one  of  us  would  impede  the  progress  of  our  work. 

How  soon  the  machinery  which  we  have  prepared  will  begin  to 
operate  we  cannot  determine.  It  does  not  depend  upon  us  here.  We 
were  able  to  establish  the  plant,  but  we  cannot  supply  the  energy. 
The  energy  must  be  supplied  by  the  whole  Jewish  people — if  it  so 
wills. 


SIXTH   CONGRESS   ADDRESS 

Delivered  at  Basle,  August  23rd,  1903 

FELLOW  DELEGATES:  We  are  assembling  for  the  Sixth  Zionist 
Congress  in  the  good  city  of  Basle,  which  has  earned  our  gratitude 
on  former  occasions.  Again  we  come  together  in  mingled  hope  and 
anxiety. 

In  truth,  the  situation  of  the  Jews  throughout  the  whole  world 
is  no  more  favorable  at  present  than  it  was  in  the  years  of  the  earlier 
Congresses.  The  statement  we  issued  from  this  forum  in  former  years 
regarding  the  situation  of  our  people  holds  good  at  the  present  mo- 
ment. Here  and  there  a  change  has  doubtless  taken  place,  but  not  a 
change  for  the  better.  Many  of  us  thought  things  could  grow  no 
worse ;  but  they  did  grow  worse.  Misery  has  swept  over  Jewry  like  a 
tidal  wave.  Those  who  lived  in  the  depths  have  been  submerged.  If 
the  inhabitants  of  higher,  more  protected  spots  deny  the  truth  of  this 
shocking  fact  they  are  not  doing  credit  either  to  their  insight  or  to 
their  hearts.  Of  course  merely  to  admit  that  the  Jews  are  in  a  pitiable 
plight  does  not  do  much  good.  At  best  it  leads  to  philanthropic  en- 
deavors, which,  however  praiseworthy  they  may  be  in  individual  cases, 
are  to  be  censured  from  a  higher,  more  comprehensive  point  of  view, 
because  notwithstanding  their  oft-proved  futility  they  salve  the  con- 
sciences of  those  who  are  conjointly  responsible.  It  is  easy  to  say: 
"Well,  well,  we  do  what  we  can !"  There  are  some  people  who  pat 
themselves  on  the  back,  if  after  having  read  in  the  morning  paper  of  a 
brutal  Jewish  massacre  they  send  a  paltry  contribution  to  the  news- 
paper for  acknowledgement.  But  even  those  who  tax  themselves 
in  proportion  to  their  fortunes  cannot  fulfill  their  duty  with  money 
alone.  Money  does  not  restore  life  to  the  dead,  health  to  the  maimed, 
parents  to  the  orphaned.  And  how  can  alms  relieve  the  fear  of  those 
who,  although  they  themselves  have  not  been  the  victims  of  assault, 
continue  to  live  in  the  selfsame  circumstances?  Their  turn  may  come 
at  any  moment. 

As  a  matter  of  fact  we  Zionists  have  recourse  to  these  arguments 
against  our  will.  It  is  distasteful  to  us  to  turn  disasters  to  political 
ends  and  to  search  for  propaganda  material  in  the  anguish  of  the 
unfortunate.  But  we  must  state  from  this  platform  how  great  was 
our  pain  and  our  wrath  when  we  learned  of  the  hideous  occurrences 
of  Kishinev,1  and  how  overwhelming  our  grief  to  think  that  Jews  must 
live  under  such  conditions.  Poor,  careworn  existences  that  met  their 
end  in  martyrdom !  We  shall  cherish  their  memory  and  provide  for 
their  survivors,  and  then  lose  no  time  in  useless  demonstrations,  but 
devote  our  living  care  to  the  living. 

32 


CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL  33 

The  bloody  days  of  the  Bessarabian  city  must  not  cause  us  to  for- 
get that  there  are  yet  other  Kishinevs,  not  alone  in  Russia.  Kishinev 
exists  wherever  Jews  undergo  bodily  or  spiritual  tortures,  wherever 
their  self-respect  is  wounded  and  their  possessions  are  damaged  be- 
cause they  are  Jews.  Let  us  save  those  who  can  still  be  saved ! 

It  is  high  time.  Whoever  does  not  blind  himself  to  visible  signs 
must  perceive  that  the  situation  has  undergone  an  ominous  change 
for  the  worse.  We  Zionists  have  predicted  this  change  for  years — 
and  now  that  it  has  come  we  are  none  the  less  sorrowful. 

In  the  last  two  decades  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  Jewish  com- 
mittees looked  upon  emigration  as  a  panacea  for  all  ills.  But  apart 
from  all  considerations  such  as  the  suffering  of  the  wanderers,  the 
cruelty  of  strange  conditions  into  which  they  came  unprepared,  the 
loss  to  the  nation  resulting  from  ever-repeated  dispersions,  emigra- 
tion was  -a  feasible  expedient  only  so  long  as  the  countries  into  which 
the  stream  was  directed  did  not  rebel  against  the  influx  of  a  despair- 
ing proletariat. 

This  is  the  new  period  into  which  we  have  entered.  The  coun- 
tries are  beginning  to  resist  although — or  rather,  because,  the  misery 
of  the  Jews  in  Eastern  Europe  is  increasing.  And  yet  they  are 
countries  whose  high  standard  of  morality  it  were  folly  to  question. 
These  states  consider  it  necessary  to  put  a  check  to  their  wonted 
humaneness — I  am  not  speaking  ironically — and  to  treat  the  Jewish 
question,  which  in  their  case  is  a  question  of  Jewish  immigration,  as 
a  matter  of  politics.  It  is  only  among  us  Jews  that  some  people  refuse 
in  fear  and  trembling  to  see  the  political  significance  of  the  Jewish 
question.  Their  fear  should  arouse  our  pity  rather  than  our  anger, 
if  once  we  understand  it  aright.  It  is  a  fear  of  wide  vistas,  and  it  has 
its  source  in  the  narrow  "Judengasse." 

Meanwhile  things  are  progressing  continuously.  In  England, 
hitherto  the  last  refuge  unconditionally  open  to  us,  a  royal  com- 
mission was  appointed2  to  investigate  alien  immigration — "alien,"  to 
avoid  the  use  of  the  word  "Jewish."  The  recommendations  of  the 
report  do  not  admit  of  a  single  doubt  as  to  what  kind  of  immigration 
the  commission  had  in  mind.  It  is  evident  how  hard  a  struggle  free 
and  magnanimous  England  has  waged  within  itself,  how  difficult  it 
finds  the  enactment  of  a  drastic  measure  against  unfortunate  creatures, 
and  for  what  reason  it  has  instituted  a  special  protracted  investiga- 
tion before  deciding  to  act.  For  there  are  age-old  principles,  glorious 
as  banners,  which  will  not  emerge  untarnished  if  England  no  longer 
affords  a  sanctuary  to  innocent  unfortunates.  And  the  same  may  be 
said  of  America,  which  became  a  great  country  for  the  very  reason 
that  it  was  a  sanctuary. 

As  time  goes  on  the  governments  involved  in  the  question  of 


34  CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL 

Jewish  immigration  are  gaining  a  fuller  understanding  of  our  project. 
Our  solution,  which  aims  to  provide  a  home  for  the  Jewish  people, 
responds  so  perfectly  to  a  universal  need  that  it  is  bound  to  succeed 
at  last.  To  be  sure  it  is  not  an  easy  task.  There  are  difficulties 
in  the  way  which  call  for  an  extraordinary  amount  of  patience  and 
loyalty.  But  this  is  part  of  the  education  which  we  gain  as  we  pro- 
ceed. There  are  dark  days  when  the  things  we  have  toiled  to  obtain 
vanish  before  our  eyes ;  there  are  auspicious  beginnings  which  later 
fall  to  pieces.  As  long  as  a  movement  is  young  and  frail  its  leaders 
have  reason  to  fear  that  reverses  of  this  sort  may  demoralize  their 
adherents,  and  their  disappointment  and  weariness  are  intensified  by 
anxiety  about  the  continuance  of  the  work,  the  securing  of  means, 
the  perseverance  of  their  comrades.  But  even  this  situation  has  its 
redeeming  features.  Those  people  drop  out  whose  loss  is  of  no  con- 
sequence. One  withdraws  because  of  wounded  vanity,  another  be- 
cause he  could  not  serve  his  own  interests  in  the  cause,  another  be- 
cause he  wanted  to  be  associated  only  with  a  successful  venture,  and 
yet  others  for  various  other  reasons.  But  as  to  those  who  remain, 
their  love  for  the  cause  grows  greater  with  each  sacrifice.  They  are 
faithful  traveling  companions  to  whom  all  things  can  be  confided. 
Thus  it  was  our  intention  to  confide  everything  to  you  at  the  time 
when  we  convened  this  Congress,  and  thought  that  we  should  have 
nothing  to  report  but  the  ill-success  of  negotiations  and  the  failure 
of  long-planned  efforts.  But  matters  have  taken  a  somewhat  dif- 
ferent turn. 

Since  we  assembled  here  for  the  fifth  time  I  have  again  had 
the  honor  of  being  summoned  to  Constantinople  on  two  occasions 
by  His  Majesty  the  Sultan.  On  both  these  occasions,  however,  in 
February  and  in  August,  1902,  the  pourparlers  remained  without 
•effect.  Of  course  I  could  not  venture  upon  a  course  of  action  which 
would  not  have  been  compatible  with  our  Basle  Platform,  and  a 
colonization  plan  calling  for  scattered,  unrelated  communities  in  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  Turkish  Empire  could  not  have  satisfied  our 
national  aspirations.  The  only  thing  to  be  gathered  from  all  these 
troublesome  negotiations  was  that  His  Majesty  the  Sultan  continues 
to  be  kindly  disposed  to  the  Jewish  people.  This  fact  is  undoubtedly 
cheering  and  valuable,  but  it  offers  us  no  practical  advantages.  Given 
the  kindly  sentiments  of  the  ruler  and  the  indisputable  benefits  to 
be  gained  by  the  Turkish  Empire  it  would  appear  that  the  obstacle 
in  our  path  is  to  be  sought  in  the  attitude  of  the  great  powers  which 
are  interested  in  the  Near  East,  especially  Russia.  That  we  need 
not  look  for  resistance  on  the  part  of  Germany,  we  know  from  the 
German  Emperor.  In  1898  when,  together  with  the  Zionist  dele- 
gation, I  had  the  honor  of  being  accorded  a  reception  in  Jerusalem,  His 


CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL  35 

Majesty  assured  us  of  his  sympathetic  attitude  toward  the  movement. 
The  word  of  an  Emperor  must  not  be  twisted  or  subtilized.  Nor 
was  there  any  reason  to  apprehend  opposition  on  the  part  of  Eng- 
land, as  we  can  see  from  events  which  I  shall  now  relate  to  you. 

After  the  ill-success  of  the  last  negotiations  with  Constantinople, 
and  as  a  result  of  the  steadily  increasing  misery  prevailing  among 
the  Jews,  we  found  ourselves  forced  to  take  another  course  of  action. 
Therefore  last  October  I  entered  into  communication  with  several 
members  of  the  British  Cabinet,  and  made  them  the  proposition  that 
they  grant  our  people  a  concession  on  the  Sinai  Peninsula  for  coloni- 
zation purposes.  Not  only  the  secretaries,  to  whom  I  desire  to  ex- 
press my  warmest  thanks  on  this  occasion,  but  the  higher  officials 
of  the  British  government  who  are  concerned  with  matters  of  this 
kind,  received  me  with  the  heartiest  good  will  and  met  me  more  than 
half  way.  I  was  informed  that  as  the  territory  in  question  was  under 
Egyptian  dominion  it  would  be  necessary  to  enter  into  direct  negotia- 
tions with  the  Egyptian  government.  However  the  English  govern- 
ment generously  offered  to  give  me  its  recommendation,  and  ex- 
pressed the  hope  to  its  representative  in  Egypt,  Lord  Cromer,  that 
the  project  be  taken  into  favorable  consideration  by  him  as  well  as 
by  the  Counsellors  of  His  Highness  the  Khedive.  As  a  preliminary 
measure  the  British  government  gave  us  permission  to  send  a  com- 
mission composed  of  experts  to  the  tract  of  land  in  question  with  a 
view  to  examining  its  fitness  for  colonization  purposes  and  its  pos- 
sibilities. In  order  to  obtain  the  consent  of  the  Egyptian  author- 
ities to  the  sending  of  the  commission  and  their  co-operation  in  our 
project,  our  representative,  Mr.  Greenberg,  set  out  for  Egypt  at  the 
end  of  October  equipped  with  letters  of  recommendation  from  the 
English  Foreign  Office  to  the  Egyptian  government. 

Lord  Cromer  and  the  Egyptian  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs 
received  him  with  great  affability,  and  after  giving  the  matter  due 
consideration  consented  to  the  sending  of  the  commission.  In  addi- 
tion to  this  they  agreed  to  allow  a  representative  of  the  Egyptian 
Survey  Department  to  accompany  the  commission.  Thereupon  the 
commission  was  organized  with  the  following  personnel:  Messrs. 
Kessler,  Marmorek,  Goldsmid,  Stephens,  Professor  Laurent,  Dr. 
Soskin,  Dr.  Hillel  Joffe,  and  Mr.  Humphreys,  the  representative  of 
the  Egyptian  government. 

The  commission  arrived  in  Egypt  toward  the  end  of  January, 
and  set  out  for  the  Sinai  Peninsula  in  the  beginning  of  February.  In 
the  meantime  our  representative,  Mr.  Greenberg,  left  England  and 
went  to  Egypt  once  more  to  submit  to  Lord  Cromer  and  the  Egyptian 
government  plans  for  a  charter  covering  a  tract  of  land  in  the  Sinai 
Peninsula.  After  protracted  negotiations  our  agent  received  a  note 


36  CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL 

from  the  Egyptian  government  wherein  it  declared  itself  to  be  in 
accord  with  the  basic  provisions  of  the  projected  charter;  namely, 
Jewish  autonomy  for  the  tract  of  land  in  question  and  municipal 
rights  for  the  whole  of  the  ceded  territory,  under  condition  that  the 
report  of  the  commiission  be  favorable,  and  that  it  convince  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  feasibility  of  colonizing  the  Peninsula. 

In  the  beginning  of  March  the  members  of  the  commission  re- 
turned to  Egypt,  and  in  order  to  meet  them  I  traveled  there  myself. 
I  laid  various  propositions  before  Lord  Cromer  and  the  Egyptian 
government,  but  as  I  was  compelled  to  go  back  to  Europe  I  en- 
trusted the  further  negotiations  to  a  member  of  the  commission. 

Protracted  discussions  followed,  which,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  re- 
sulted in  a  statement  by  the  Egyptian  government  to  the  effect  that 
it  could  proceed  no  further  in  the  matter  as  expert  opinion  held  that 
it  would  be  impossible  to  supply  the  Pelusian  plain  with  a  sufficient 
amount  of  water,  and  that  consequently  it  would  be  impossible  to 
colonize  El-Arish  or  any  other  part  of  the  Peninsula. 

When  the  officials  of  the  British  government  with  whom  I  had 
previously  been  in  touch  learned  of  the  expert  opinion  which  had 
been  expressed  to  the  Egyptian  government  and  of  the  decision  which 
had  been  necessary  in  consequence,  they  immediately  made  me  the 
proposition  of  ceding  another  tract  of  land  for  Jewish  colonization 
purposes. 

This  territory  has  not  the  historic,  traditional  and  Zionist  sig- 
nificance of  the  Sinai  Peninsula ;  but  I  do  not  doubt  that  the  Congress, 
acting  as  the  representative  of  the  Jewish  people  as  a  whole,  will 
consider  this  new  offer  with  the  warmest  gratitude.  The  proposi- 
tion relates  to  an  autonomous  Jewish  settlement  in  East  Africa,  with 
a  Jewish  administration,  Jewish  local  government  and  a  Jewish  official 
at  its  head,  under  the  suzerainty,  I  need  not  add,  of  Great  Britain. 
When  this  proposition  was  made  I  did  not  feel  myself  justified,  con- 
sidering the  plight  of  Jewry  and  the  immediate  necessity  of  ameliorat- 
ing this  plight,  in  taking  any  steps  other  than  obtaining  permissioji 
to  submit  the  proposition  to  the  Congress.  However,  in  order  that 
the  matter  might  be  of  sufficiently  definite  interest  to  all  of  us  it 
was  necessary  to  formulate  the  proposition  in  such  a  way  that  it  would 
take  into  consideration  the  national  aspirations  so  dear  to  us  all. 
Consequently  our  representative  had  a  number  of  conferences  with 
the  members  of  the  British  Cabinet  and  with  the  chiefs  of  Depart- 
ments, in  which  the  matter  was  thoroughly  gone  into.  These  con- 
ferences were  of  a  satisfactory  nature. 

I  do  not  want  to  anticipate  the  views  which  the  Congress  will 
express  on  the  policy  to  be  pursued  with  regard  to  the  proposition. 
It  goes  without  saying  that  the  Jewish  people  can  have  no  other 


CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL  37 

goal  than  Palestine  and  that,  whatever  the  fate  of  the  proposition 
may  be,  our  attitude  toward  the  land  of  our  fathers  is  and  shall  remain 
unchangeable.  Nevertheless,  the  Congress  will  perceive  that  our 
movement  has  been  tremendously  advanced  as  the  result  of  our  nego- 
tiations with  the  British  government.  I  may  say  that  our  attitude 
towards  Palestine  was  candidly  and  fully  explained  to  the  members 
of  the  British  Cabinet  and  to  the  high  government  officials  who  had 
this  matter  in  hand.  I  believe  that  the  Congress  will  be  able  to 
find  means  to  make  use  of  this  offer.  The  spirit  in  which  the  offer 
was  made  must  of  necessity  contribute  to  improving  and  alleviating 
the  situation  of  the  Jewish  people,  without  our  renouncing  one  iota 
of  the  great  principles  upon  which  our  movement  is  based. 

It  would  not  seem  practicable  to  lay  the  details  of  the  proposition, 
to  which  I  should  particularly  like  to  draw  your  close  attention,  before 
the  Congress  as  a  whole.  It  would  seem  wiser  to  suggest  that  you 
elect  a  small  committee  to  take  the  whole  matter  in  hand.3  What- 
ever decision  will  be  reached  I  may  state  confidently  that  we  all 
harbor  the  deepest  gratitude  in  our  hearts  for  the  gracious  and 
statesmanlike  attitude  maintained  by  Great  Britain  throughout  the 
course  of  its  pourparlers  with  the  Jewish  people. 

Zion  it  is  not  and  can  never  be.  It  is  merely  an  expedient  for 
colonization  purposes,  but,  be  it  well  understood,  an  expedient 
founded  upon  a  national  and  political  basis.  We  shall  not  and  cannot 
give  the  Jewish  masses  the  marching  signal  on  the  strength  of  this 
arrangement.  It  is  and  must  remain  an  emergency  measure  destined 
to  allay  the  perplexity  prevailing  in  philanthropic  undertakings  at 
the  present  time  and  to  prevent  our  losing  touch  with  the  scattered 
fragments  of  our  people. 

This  was  the  situation  up  to  a  few  days  ago,  when  it  developed 
in  such  a  way  as  to  promise  results  of  the  utmost  importance.  Events 
which  are  universally  known4  made  it  necessary  for  me  to  under- 
take a  journey  to  Russia  in  the  interests  of  the  Jewish  people.  I 
had  the  welcome  opportunity  of  coming  in  touch  with  the  Russian 
government,  and  I  may  say  that  I  met  with  a  fair  understanding  of 
our  Zionist  aspirations  and  heard  expressions  of  a  benevolent  desire 
to  be  of  real  assistance  to  us.  As  a  matter  of  fact  I  admit  that  on 
this  occasion  I  was  not  only  a  Zionist — you  will  not  blame  me,  I 
know.  I  spoke  not  only  in  behalf  of  the  Zionists  but  for  all  the  Jews 
in  Russia.  I  took  pains  to  recommend  a  number  of  improvements 
in  their  sad  situation,  and  received  the  assurance  that  these  alleviatory 
measures  would  be  taken  into  consideration  in  the  immediate  future. 
But  more  important  were  the  assurances  I  received  concerning  the 
Zionist  movement.  I  am  in  a  position  to  state  that  the  Russian  gov- 
ernment will  not  impede  the  progress  of  the  Zionist  movement,  pro- 


38 


CONGRESS  ADDRESSES  OF  THEODOR  HERZL 


vided  it  retains  the  quiet  and  lawful  character  which  has  hitherto 
distinguished  it.  Moreover  the  Russian  government  is  ready  to  co- 
operate with  the  Zionists  in  an  emigration  undertaking  on  condition 
that  the  expenses  it  incurs  are  covered. 

Finally,  and  this  is  the  most  important  fact  of  all,  the  Russian 
government  is  willing  to  use  its  influence  with  His  Majesty  the  Sultan 
in  furthering  our  efforts  to  obtain  Palestine.  The  importance  of  this 
statement,  which  I  am  empowered  to  make  to  the  Zionist  Congress, 
is  surely  evident  to  you  all.  A  promise  of  this  nature  from  the  Rus- 
sian government  signifies  a  diplomatic  asset  the  value  of  which  can- 
not be  overestimated.  Not  only  is  a  tremendous  obstacle  removed, 
but  suddenly  powerful  aid  is  at  hand.  Its  effects  are  yet  to  be  seen ; 
but  we  may  continue  to  strive  for  Erez  Israel  with  renewed  courage 
and  with  brighter  prospects  than  ever  before. 

Of  course  some  people  will  perceive  none  but  the  gloomy  aspects 
of  these  developments.  The  help  of  the  powers,  they  will  say,  sig- 
nifies nothing  good.  Either  they  want  to  be  rid  of  us  or  they  want  to 
deny  us  admission.  So  be  it!  If  it  portends  injustice  toward  our 
people  we  shall  reply  to  it  in  the  future.  In  our  future,  in  our  coun- 
try! And  our  answer  shall  consist  in  the  advancement  of  human 
civilization. 


University  of  California 

SOUTHERN  REGIONAL  LIBRARY  FACILITY 

405  Hilgard  Avenue,  Los  Angeles,  CA  90024-1388 

Return  this  material  to  the  library 

from  which  it  was  borrowed. 


UL   JAN  16  1996 


INTRODUCTION 

The  collected  addresses  of  Dr.  Theodor  Herzl  are  presented  to 
readers  of  English  for  the  first  time.  In  these  historic  utterances  will 
be  found  not  only  a  presentation  of  Zionism  as  a  solution  of  the 
Jewish  problem,  but  much  more  than  that,  the  lineaments  of  a  beloved 
personality  who  aroused  the  Jewish  world. 

Theodor  Herzl  was  born  in  Austria  in  1860.  He  studied  law  at 
Vienna,  but  turned  to  journalism  and  literature,  in  which  profession 
he  soon  reached  the  front  rank.  A  man  of  engaging  appearance  and 
great  personal  magnetism,  he  attracted  to  himself  a  distinguished 
circle  of  friends  among  whom  he  moved  in  Paris  for  a  number  of 
years,  until,  coming  in  contact  with  the  virulent  anti-Semitism  that 
broke  out  in  the  lands  of  emancipation,  he  cast  in  his  lot  with  his  own 
people,  and  in  his  book  The  Jewish  State  published  in  1896,  set  forth 
his  conviction  that  a  permanent  and  satisfactory  solution  of  the 
Jewish  problem  is  to  be  found  only  in  the  establishment  of  a  home- 
land for  the  Jews.  The  first  Congress  was  convened  in  the  following 
year,  for  the  explicit  purpose  of  lifting  the  Jewish  problem  out  of 
the  darkness  of  the  ghetto,  and  bringing  it  into  the  open  light  of  inter- 
national discussion.  Delegates  assembled  from  all  parts  of  the  world, 
and  included  notables  in  commerce,  science  and  art.  The  Jewish 
question  was  placed  on  a  lofty  plane  by  the  formulation  of  the  his- 
toric "Basle  Program,"  declaring  that  "the  aims  of  Zionism  are  to 
obtain  a  publicly  recognized  and  legally  secured  homeland  for  the  Jewish 
people  in  Palestine."  Seven  years  later,  Herzl  was  laid  in  his  grave. 
He  was  stricken  while  still  in  the  prime  years  of  his  life.  His  per- 
sonal fortune  was  spent  and  his  worldly  career  sacrificed.  He  died 
a  martyr  to  the  revolution  which  he  sought  to  effect  in  the  life  of 
the  Jewish  people. 

Since  that  time  ten  further  Congresses  have  been  left  behind. 
Today  Zionist  members  and  societies  are  legion.  More  than  twenty 
Federations  founded  in  different  lands  form  a  chain  extending  around 
the  globe.  To  record  the  current  development  of  the  blossoming- 
idea,  a  hundred  Zionist  periodicals  appear  in  various  tongues.  Hebrew 
lives  again  on  the  lips  of  thousands  of  school  children  and  students 
in  Palestine.  The  Jewish  National  Fund  has  attained  the  monu- 
mental sum  of  over  a  million  dollars,  built  up  mainly  from  the  pennies 
of  the  poor.  Forty-eight  agricultural  colonies  have  been  established 
in  Palestine,  and  the  annual  trade  of  Jaffa  grew  from  two  million 
dollars  in  1886  to  ten  millions  in  1912.  Direction  is  given  to  the 
financial  flux  of  Jewish  national  affairs  by  two  banks  with  seven 
subsidiary  branches.  But  far  outdoing  in  importance  these  practical 


2071431 


4  INTRODUCTION 

achievements,  are  the  significant  changes  that  Zionism  has  effected  in  the 
attitude  of  the  Jewish  people  towards  modern  life  and  present-day  prob- 
lems, changes  that  have  resulted  in  a  stiffening  of  character  to  meet  the 
dangers  from  without,  and  the  decay  that  is  threatening  from  within. 

In  twenty  years,  but  a  moment  of  our  corporate  life,  not  only 
has  Zionism  grown  in  material  accomplishment  and  in  spiritual  influ- 
ence but  it  has  also  developed  in  its  fundamental  motives  and  prin- 
ciples. Yet  the  important  state  papers  presented  here,  addressed 
not  merely  to  the  Zionist  delegates  and  to  the  rulers  of  the  gentile 
world,  but  also  to  the  Jews  of  all  time,  still  express  the  essential 
thoughts  -and  breathe  the  true  spirit  of  Zionism  today,  and  he  who 
would  know  the  aspirations  of  Zionism  must  drink  deep  at  the  clear 
source.  Not  only  will  he  then  understand  why  the  Zionist  Movement 
is  the  greatest  of  the  dispersion,  but  he  will  also  come  under  the  spell 
of  a  soul  that  seems  yet  to  live,  and  is  to  grace  our  history  for 
all  time.  For  today  when  the  great  powers  are  manifesting  a  sig- 
nificant interest  in  Zionism,  an  interest  that  cannot  but  find  some 
concrete  expression  depending  in  character  on  the  attitude  of  the  Jews 
themselves,  the  insight  of  Dr.  Herzl  into  the  international  difficulties 
of  our  own  time  is  manifest,  and  events  are  tending  to  an  imminent 
realization  of  his  statesmanlike  solution  of  the  Jewish  problem. 

SAUL  J.  COHEN 


UC  SOUTHERN  REGIONAL  UBRARyjACIUTY^^ 

NOTES 

A     000111  958     5       .^CONGRESS 

(PP.  5-9) 

1.  Herzl  refers  to  the  old  anti-Semitic  accusation  that  the  Jews  are  banded 
together    in   an    international   league    for    purposes    disloyal   to   their    respective 
governments. 

2.  Agricultural  colonization  in  Palestine  began  in  1882.     So  severe  were  the 
difficulties  encountered,  and  the  hardships  endured  by  the  pioneers,  that  the  under- 
taking would  have  broken  down  but  for  the  munificence  of   Baron  Edmond  de 
Rothschild. 

3.  Herzl's  plan  was  to   secure  by  diplomatic  negotiation   a  charter  giving 
colonization  rights  with  local  self-government.    He  looked  forward  with  optimism 
to  the  colonization  of  Palestine  on  a  national  scale  (see  Third  Congress  Address, 
p.  20).    But  he  clearly  states  later  that  a  complete  solution  of  the  Jewish  problem 
does  not  imply  that  all  Jews  must  go  to  Palestine.    He  wishes  to  emphasize  here 
the  futility  of  colonization  on  a  small  scale,  as  against  the  larger  plans  he  had 
in  mind. 

4.  Dr.  Herzl  viewed  with  disfavor  the  petty  colonization  of  Palestine  as  a 
complete  solution  of  the  Jewish  problem.    But  he  recognized  that  practical  achieve- 
ments in  Palestine  were  of  political  value,  and  served  at  once  as  demonstration 
and  proof  of  Zionist  theory.     See  his  remarks  in  the  preceding  paragraph     of 
this  address. 

SECOND  CONGRESS  ADDRESS 
(pp.  10-16) 

1.  Descartes,  1596-1650:   "I  think;  therefore  I  am." 

2.  The  Emperor  of  Germany. 

3.  The  Jewish  Colonial  Trust  was  established  March  20,   1899;  the  Paid-uo 
Capital  amounted  to  $1,300,000  in  1914. 

THIRD  CONGRESS  ADDRESS 
(pp.  17-22) 

1.  The  proposals  of  Emperor  Nicholas  II  of  Russia,  which  led  to  the  estab- 
— Kshment  in  1899  of  the  International  Court  of  Arbitration  or  Hague  Tribunal.      <i 

2.  In    1888,    legislation    directed    against   the    colonization    activities    of    the 
Chovevi  Zion,  prohibited  any  mass-immigration  into  Palestine.     No  Jewish  imrn^g 
grant  was  admitted  into  the  land  without  a  red  pass,  and  this  permitted  him  iff 
remain  for  a  period  of  only  three  months. 

3.  Some  of  the  Chovevi  Zion,  whose  efforts  were  largely  responsible  for  the 
early  colonization  of  Palestine. 

4.  Contrary  to  general  belief,  the  Jewish  masses  are  the  poorest  in  the  world. 
See   Fifth   Congress   Address,   p.   28.     See   also,   Israel   Cohen,   Jewish   Life   in 
Modern  Times,  Bk.  4,  Ch.  2. 

5.  Possibly  Heine. 

FOURTH  CONGRESS  ADDRESS 
(pp.  23-26) 

1.    See  Note  2,  Sixth  Congress  Address. 

2. 

menace.  ___   ._    o__    r o__ 

legislation  by  Roumania  in  violation  of  the  Berlin  Treaty,  a  ^reat  wave  of  destik. 
Jews  crossed  the  frontier.  The  correspondent  of  the  London  Jewish  Chronicle 
reported  (July  6,  1900,  p.  14),  that  had  it  not  been  for  the  presence  of  the  Zionist 
Bureau  it  would  simply  have  been  impossible  to  evolve  order  out  of  the  confusion, 
and  he  referred  to  the  'bankruptcy  of  philanthropy  in  dealing  with  national  problems 
of  this  kind. 

39 


In  the  year  1900,  the  mass  emigration  from  Roumania  became  a  groTJ. 
.     Unable  to  endure  longer  the  privations  and  hunger  that  resulted  fn 


4  NOTES 

achievements,  are  the  sitmiiTH  CONGRESS  ADDRESS 

(PP.  27-31) 

1.  Baron  Edmond  de  Rothschild  gave  of  his  millions  unsparingly  for  the  early 
philanthropic   settlements   in   Palestine,   but   they   did   not  become   self-supporting 
until  a  much  later  date.     Some  of  this  money  has  been  repaid  by  the  new  Yishub. 
It  may  be  added  that  Baron  de  Hirsch  also  donated  over  fifty  million  dollars  to 
found  agricultural  colonies  in  Argentina  and  other  free  countries,  with  discouraging 
results. 

2.  The  popular  institute  in  the  East-end  of  London,  the  home  of  the  intel- 
lectual Jewish  youth  of  the  great  metropolis. 

3.  The  Jewish  National  Fund  was  founded  in  1901.     It  amounted  in  1917  to 
over  a  million  dollars,  about  75  per  cent  of  which  is  invested  in  land  and  improve- 
ments in  Palestine. 

SIXTH  CONGRESS  ADDRESS 
(pp.  32-38) 

1.  Forty-seven  Jews  were  killed,  and  hundreds  seriously  injured  or  perma- 
nently maimed,  in  the  unspeakable  horrors  of  April  19th  and  20,  1903,  at  Kishinev. 
The  property  damage  amounted  to  three  million  rubles.     It  was  alleged  that  the 
Jews  had  murdered  a  Christian  child  in  order  to  use  its  blood  for  the  Passover 
ritual.     The  massacre  was  largely  effected  by  imported  hirelings,  with  the  open 
connivance   of   the  government.     From    1903   to   1906   Pogroms   occurred   in   284 
towns  in  Russia. 

2.  The  Royal  Commission  on  Alien  Immigration  began  its  protracted  inves- 
tigations on  April  24,  1902,  and  presented  its  report  to  the  House  of  Commons  on 
August  11,   1903.     The  report  was  not  unfavorable.     Nevertheless  drastic  recom- 
mendations were  made  against  the  influx  of  Jews  and  were  embodied  in  a  bill 
which  was  passed,  August  11,  1905.     Lord  Rothschild,  who  was  a  member  of  the 
commission,  protested  that  the  exclusion  of  so-called  "undesirables"  would  actually 
work  hardship  to  honest  and  industrious  refugees.     But  the  widespread  agitation 
'"  favor  of  "England  for  the  English"  as  against  the  foreigners  who  were  "taking 
the  bread  out  of  the  mouths  of  the  working-classes"  was  too  strong,  and  in  the 
face  of  considerable  protest,  the  provisions  of  the  bill  were  put  into  force. 

3.  At  the  Sixth  Congress  a  commission  was  appointed  to  investigate  the  pro- 
posed settlement  in  East  Africa,  but  the  sentiment  of  the  majoriy  of  the  Congress 
^eems  to  have  been  opposed  to  the  project.     The  report  of  the  commis«:^n  was 
•favorable.     At  the  Seventh  Congress,  held  in   1905,  a  large  majority  declaim 

.p\mst    "activity    (in    colonization)    outside    Palestine    and    its    adjacent    lands." 
the  elements  seceded  from  the  Congress,  founded  the  Ito   (Jewish  Territorial 
Jrgamzation),  and  with  Israel  Zangwill  at  the  head,  began  unsuccessful  negotiations 
for  any  suitable  territory  on  which  to  found  an  autonomous  settlement  of  Jews. 

4.  Kishinev.     See  note  1  above. 

S.  J.  C. 


Unive 

Soi 

Li 


STACf 


